دانلود مقاله ISI انگلیسی شماره 228
عنوان فارسی مقاله

بازسازی شهری و توسعه پایدار در انگلستان : نمونه ای از مشارکت Ropewalks لیورپول

کد مقاله سال انتشار مقاله انگلیسی ترجمه فارسی تعداد کلمات
228 2000 11 صفحه PDF سفارش دهید محاسبه نشده
خرید مقاله
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عنوان انگلیسی
Urban regeneration and sustainable development in Britain: The example of the Liverpool Ropewalks Partnership
منبع

Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)

Journal : Cities, Volume 17, Issue 2, April 2000, Pages 137–147

کلمات کلیدی
لیورپول - توسعه پایدار - بازسازی شهری - مدیریت و بازاریابی پیرامونی انگلیسی -
پیش نمایش مقاله
پیش نمایش مقاله بازسازی شهری و توسعه پایدار در انگلستان : نمونه ای از مشارکت Ropewalks لیورپول

چکیده انگلیسی

Despite the emergence of urban regeneration and sustainable development as parallel strands of British urban policy, there has been little co-ordination between them and an imbalance in action with greater emphasis given to achieving urban regeneration, especially economic regeneration, than to sustainability. It can be argued that all urban regeneration contributes to sustainable development through the recycling of derelict land and buildings, reducing demand for peripheral development and facilitating the development of more compact cities. But below this strategic level British urban policy has yet to fully address the requirement for more sustainable development. This paper addresses this question through an examination of policy in Liverpool and a case study of Duke Street/Bold Street (the Rope Walks Partnership): a mixed use area adjoining the city centre. It is important to place local action within the context of national policies and so the paper begins with some discussion of the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are included within national urban regeneration policies before going on to examine policy at the metropolitan scale in Liverpool and then at the more detailed level of the Rope Walks area. The conclusions suggest that it is economic regeneration and more precisely property redevelopment, that is the main driving force regenerating the area and that there is some way to go before the city or the case study area achieve an environmentally sustainable regeneration process.

مقدمه انگلیسی

Regeneration has become a major element of British urban policy. Since the passing of the Inner Urban Areas Act in 1978 an array of initiatives has been introduced, culminating in 1993 with the introduction of the Single Regeneration Budget and the regeneration agency for England: English Partnerships. Since the early 1990s, environmentally sustainable development has also emerged as an important element of urban policy. In Sustainable Development: the UK Strategy (1994) the Government recognised the importance of urban regeneration in contributing to a sustainable pattern of development that uses “the already developed areas in the most efficient way, while making them more attractive places in which to live and work” (Department of the Environment, 1994, p. 158). Despite the emergence of urban regeneration and sustainable development as parallel strands of urban policy, there has been little co-ordination between them and an imbalance in action, with greater emphasis given to achieving urban regeneration, especially economic regeneration, than to sustainability. It can be argued that all urban regeneration contributes to sustainable development through the recycling of derelict land and buildings, reducing demand for peripheral development and facilitating the development of more compact cities. But below this strategic level, British urban policy has yet to fully address the requirement for more sustainable development. In 1997, the incoming Labour government showed some recognition of this problem, appointing Lord Rogers to lead the “Urban Task Force” (UTF). With the recent publication of the UTF final report “Towards an Urban Renaissance” (Urban Task Force, 1999), it is timely to consider regeneration policies in a British city and their contribution to sustainable development. This paper addresses this question through an examination of policy in Liverpool and a case study of Duke Street/Bold Street (the Rope Walks Partnership): a mixed use area adjoining the city centre. It is important to place local action within the context of national policies and so the paper begins with some discussion of the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are included within national urban regeneration policies before going on to examine policy at the metropolitan scale in Liverpool, and then at the more detailed level of the Rope Walks area. The conclusions suggest that it is economic regeneration and more precisely property redevelopment, that is the main driving force regenerating the area and that there is some way to go before the city, or the case study area, achieve an environmentally sustainable regeneration process.

نتیجه گیری انگلیسی

From the national to the local level there is an ambivalent attitude to sustainable development and a constant attempt to compromise and reinterpret the concept to support the aim of economic development. Even those parts of the Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions and English Partnerships responsible for urban regeneration policy have only a limited commitment to sustainable development. The first priority of the Liverpool Unitary Development Plan is clearly to tackle the city's economic problems. Although the UDP offers some protection to local environmental quality, townscape, landscape and built heritage, it is much weaker in making a contribution towards global sustainability. Whilst Liverpool's LA21 espouses sustainable principles there is little evidence of them being implemented in the regeneration of the Rope Walks area. Within the city, the urban regeneration process has been devolved to a series of agencies. Regeneration spending has become the responsibility of a multitude of agencies ranging from private developers and privatised water companies; Railtrack, rail and bus operators; through government agencies and voluntary sector housing associations to the short-life quasi-public partnerships, including the Rope Walks Partnership. Each agency has its own agenda; its own management system; its own financial imperatives and its own priorities. The key to implementing the environmental agenda in this situation is the ability to negotiate, to search for synergies and to build coalitions and partnerships for action. Unfortunately, just as partners in coalition governments have to forfeit some of their political agenda, so, in the regeneration process, agencies have little choice but to make compromises that weaken their ability to promote sustainability. The Rope Walks Partnership represents one of the agencies through which regeneration policies are being implemented. Its strengths with regard to sustainable development lie in the reclamation and reuse of derelict land and buildings and the conservation and preservation of buildings of architectural and historic interest. These are politically robust policies that have become deeply embedded in the mainstream of British urban policy over the last thirty years. Locally, the experience of the Merseyside Development Corporation, City Challenge, EP and other agencies have provided the area with a wealth of knowledge and experience of the reclamation process. Liverpool City Council has a long tradition of strong policies in the fields of building conservation and design control. EP showed a commitment to good urban design through its early publication “Time for Design” and one of the most interesting features of the CEL proposals was their formal use of urban design analysis to inform their proposals for the area. So there was a commitment to good urban design from the history of the area and the actors working in the area that made it likely that aesthetic considerations would be important. Although there was no strong history of community involvement or action in the area, Government concern to promote stakeholder involvement, for whatever reasons, and the city council's commitment to partnership through its Pathways initiatives were enough to secure a modest commitment to public participation. Nevertheless, this remains a top–down state and developer led rather than a community-led programme. Other aspects of environmental sustainability (transport, pollution, energy, waste reduction, recycling, and greening) do not have the same level of local historical development or commitment. The lack of commitment to sustainable transport can be traced back to the Thatcher era and national policies of deregulation and privatisation and to the culture of the City Council that continued to propose the building of an inner ring road as late as 1998, long after a fundamental change in national government attitude to such schemes. In a city that is eligible for EU Objective One status, where GDP per capita is less than 75% of the EU average, where the main political concerns are with poverty, unemployment and other aspects of social exclusion, it is not surprising that there is little political leadership for environmental sustainability. For sustainable development to be placed firmly on the regeneration agenda, it seems that there either needs to be a fundamental change in the culture and priorities of the private developers, government agencies and short-life regeneration organisations concerned, or the process has to be put back into the hands of democratically elected local planning authorities who can be expected to take a broad and longer term strategic view of their areas.

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