دنیای والدین و خطر متعاقب آن برای خشونت کودک در خانواده های درگیر پدر با کودکان خردسال
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|29859||2013||10 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||8110 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Children and Youth Services Review, Volume 35, Issue 9, September 2013, Pages 1476–1485
This study examined separate and combined maternal and paternal use of spanking with children at age 3 and children's subsequent aggressive behavior at age 5. The sample was derived from a birth cohort study and included families (n = 923) in which both parents lived with the child at age 3. In this sample, 44% of 3-year-olds were spanked 2 times or more in the past month by either parent or both parents. In separate analyses, being spanked more than twice in the prior month at age 3, by either mother or father, was associated with increased child aggression at 5 years. In combined analyses, there was a dose–response association; the greatest risk for child aggression was reported when both parents spanked more than twice in the prior month (adjusted odds ratio: 2.01; [confidence interval: 1.03–3.94]). Violence prevention initiatives should target and engage mothers and fathers in anticipatory guidance efforts aimed at increasing the use of effective and non-aggressive child discipline techniques and reducing the use of spanking.
Numerous studies have linked spanking to increased child aggression, antisocial behavior, and mental health problems (e.g., Berlin et al., 2009, Gershoff, 2002, Grogan-Kaylor, 2005, Maguire-Jack et al., 2012 and Taylor et al., 2010b). Other studies, however, have raised questions about the magnitude of spanking's impact on children (e.g., Ferguson, 2012, Larzelere and Kuhn, 2005 and Morris and Gibson, 2011). Spanking remains among parents' most common disciplinary practices. Earlier studies suggested that about 94% of parents had used some form of spanking to discipline their 4 year old children, and approximately one-third have spanked their infants (Straus & Stewart, 1999). More recently, in a large, urban, population-based study, two-thirds of 3-year-old children had been spanked by one or both parents in the past month (Taylor, Lee, Guterman, & Rice, 2010). Reports from both mothers and children indicate that over 80% of children have been spanked by the time they reach 9 or 10 years of age (Vittrup & Holden, 2010). A notable gap in understanding parental use of spanking and, by extension, changing it, exists because the majority of research has focused only on mothers' use of spanking (e.g., Berlin et al., 2009, Campbell et al., 1996, Grogan-Kaylor, 2004, Grogan-Kaylor, 2005, Kandel and Wu, 1995, Lansford et al., 2009, Scholer et al., 2008b, Singer et al., 1984 and Taylor et al., 2010b). Parenting education and intervention efforts in social work and primary care settings also tend to recruit mothers (Kaminski et al., 2008 and Scholer et al., 2010). The influence that fathers' use of spanking has on child outcomes is not clear. The information gap regarding fathers' use of spanking is problematic, since children in two-parent households receive discipline from, and thus are influenced by, mothers and fathers. For example, in the previously cited study, 65% of 3-year-old children had been spanked by one or both parents in the previous month: 12.7% by fathers only, 23.5% by mothers only, and 29.1% by both parents ( Taylor, Lee, et al., 2010). Even though in two-parent households mothers assume most of the responsibility for day-to-day care for young children, evidence indicates that fathers may engage in relatively more punishment and harsh discipline of children (Straus & Stewart, 1999). The limited evidence that does exist suggests that paternal spanking outcomes may be similar to maternal spanking effects. For example, similar to research among mothers who spank (Maguire-Jack et al., 2012) paternal spanking was associated with increased child aggression in adolescence (Prinzie, Onghena, & Hellinckx, 2006). However, this study did not examine paternal spanking in early childhood (Prinzie et al., 2006). A more thorough examination and clearer understanding of the influence of fathers is important, especially in early childhood, since both spanking and levels of child aggression peak during these years (Straus & Stewart, 1999) and consistent reliance on spanking that begins at very early ages may contribute to less optimal outcomes for children (Lansford, Criss, Dodge, Shaw, Pettit & Bates, 2009). Furthermore, it is important to assess mothers' and fathers' influences independently and conjointly because, although mothers and fathers use positive and negative parenting behaviors with similar frequencies (Cabrera et al., 2007 and Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2004), parenting styles do not necessarily overlap within couples (Martin et al., 2007, Ryan et al., 2006 and Winsler et al., 2005). For example, one parent may discipline the child more frequently because the other parent does not. Alternatively, mothers' and fathers' behaviors may reinforce each other, a pattern which compounds the positive or negative effects on children when the influence of mothers' and fathers' behaviors are considered simultaneously (Ryan et al., 2006). Therefore, analyses that rely solely on reports of maternal spanking may underestimate the child's exposure to discipline. This study, which seeks to extend knowledge on how fathers' parenting behaviors influence the development of their young children, will provide information on how to better design intervention and education programs that reach fathers.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
These findings suggest that educational efforts should continue to promote non-aggressive child discipline techniques and reinforce the negative consequences of spanking. Importantly, both mothers and fathers are in need of this information. Innovative efforts to educate and engage fathers are warranted. Father involvement may increase the effectiveness of education and intervention ( Bagner & Eyberg, 2003). Materials may be most effective when they focus on the unique motivations and barriers to parenting faced by fathers ( Dubowitz, Lane, Greif, Jensen, & Lamb, 2006). Outreach may be improved by targeting fathers early in their children's lives, for example, in hospitals at the child's birth and during the first year, a time when resident and nonresident fathers alike are highly engaged with their children.