اثر گذار به درجات مراقبت از کودکان جدید بر روی رفتار و پریشانی نوزاد/ کودک نو پا
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|34032||2005||20 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||10027 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Early Childhood Research Quarterly, Volume 20, Issue 1, 1st Quarter 2005, Pages 37–56
Changes in distress and problem behaviors of 38 infants/toddlers were examined after children transitioned from familiar to new classrooms to look at effects of non-continuity of caregiver. Child's age, classroom quality, teacher sensitivity, and transitioning with a peer were examined as possible mediators. Results suggest that transitions were associated with increased distress, especially for younger children. In addition, although overall classroom quality was low, children in higher quality pre-transition classrooms showed more distress after transitioning than children in lower quality classrooms. Transitions were associated with decreased problem behaviors. Both distress and problem behaviors returned to pre-transition levels within 3 weeks. Teacher sensitivity and transitioning with a peer did not relate to distress or problem behaviors. These findings contribute evidence about immediate effects of infant/toddler transitions in child care. Future research should explore child, classroom, and teacher–child relationship variables that influence effects of continuity versus non-continuity of caregiver.
The number of infants and toddlers in American child care centers shifted in the last quarter of the 20th century. Between 1976 and 1990, the proportion of children in center care who were under a year in age increased four-fold and the proportion of children aged 1–2 nearly doubled (Willer et al., 1991). According to the National Center for Education Statistics, data from the 1995 National Household Education Survey show that 7% of infants under a year of age were participating in center-based care and education programs, while the numbers are higher for 1-year-olds (11%) and 2-year-olds (19%). The practices used with infants and toddlers in child care may have strong and enduring impacts on children's development and well-being. It has been shown that global child care quality during the first 3 years is associated with children's developmental outcomes. In particular, higher quality child care is associated with better mother–child relationships, fewer reports of children's problem behaviors, more advanced cognitive and language abilities, and increased readiness for school (Burchinal, Roberts, Nabors, & Bryant, 1996; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 1996). In addition to the general quality of care for infants and toddlers, discrete practices in infant/toddler classrooms may also significantly influence children's development. Although there exists an understanding that global estimates of quality are associated with child outcomes and a concomitant literature that recommends general structures and practices, very little empirical evidence is available that delineates the effects of specific program features and practices on children's development. As a result, practice occurs without strong empirical support, which in turn often produces variability in practice within and across programs. One discrete practice that is assumed to influence infant/toddler well-being is maintaining continuity of caregiver. Continuity of caregiver requires that infants and toddlers remain with the same teacher(s) during a significant part, if not all, of their first years in a program. Within the early childhood profession, it is now often emphasized that “changes in caregivers during infancy and toddlerhood must be avoided and the number of infants and toddlers with whom one caregiver can form appropriate relationships is necessarily limited” ( Zigler & Lang, 1991, p. 85). The National Association for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) supports this assertion by including the following in its accreditation criteria: “every attempt is made to have continuity of adults who work with children, particularly infants and toddlers” ( NAEYC, 1991, p. 40). Continuity of caregiver is implemented in child care centers using various strategies. Anecdotal and observational evidence suggests that there are at least four highly salient factors that affect the variation in implementation of continuity of care. First is the length of time the child spends with a given caregiver. Some children might have the same teacher for the first 3 years, while others might have the same teacher for a shorter but extended period (e.g., 18 months). The second factor is whether the children within a classroom are homogeneous in age or part of multi-age groups. Maintaining continuity of caregiver is more likely with multi-age groupings because age or developmental milestones do not force a change in classroom; however, continuity of caregiver may also be used with same age groups. The third factor is the number of caregivers in a classroom that transition with a subgroup or entire group of children. In classrooms with multiple teachers, all teachers and children may move together, or a subgroup of children may move with only one teacher. Finally, whether the children and caregiver remain in the same physical space for the duration of their time together is a factor in how continuity is implemented. Despite the various ways that the practice of continuity can vary, the major requirement – children having the same teacher over time – is met. The rationale for implementing continuity of caregiver for infants and toddlers is based on child development theory and limited research findings. Theoretically, issues regarding the development of secure maternal attachment are considered paramount for infants and toddlers (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Bowlby, 1982; Smith & Pederson, 1988). Some studies demonstrate that secure maternal relationships are associated with more positive child outcomes, especially with regard to social/emotional development (e.g., Jacobson & Wille, 1986; Londerville & Main, 1981; Matas, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978). There also is evidence that secure maternal attachment is positively related to children's language development (Klann-Delius & Hofmeister, 1997; Morisset et al., 1990; van IJzendoorn, Dijkstra, & Bus, 1995), cognitive development (van IJzendoorn et al., 1995), and emergent literacy (Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1988). Some evidence suggests children's attachment also is important with primary caregivers in child care settings (Cummings, 1980; Goossens & van IJzendoorn, 1990; Howes & Hamilton, 1992). Because children take a significant amount of time to form attachments to caregivers, they are less likely to form attachments if frequent caregiver changes occur (Raikes, 1993). Howes and Hamilton (1992) found that toddlers who had multiple changes in caregivers were less likely to relate to a new caregiver based on the new caregiver's behavior; instead, toddlers recreated a relationship similar to that with their previous caregiver. These researchers also found that increased numbers of preschool caregiver losses were associated with a greater likelihood that children would be socially withdrawn or aggressive with their peers (Howes & Hamilton, 1993). Although no work has been completed that examines the relations between caregiver–child attachment and other developmental areas, such as cognitive, language, or physical, it is possible that the effects of caregiver changes might relate to these areas as well. Traditionally, infants and toddlers in center-based child care programs have a series of different caregivers during the first 3 years of life. Centers often follow the lock-step elementary school practice of moving children to a different class/teacher at the end of the year. Many programs move children more often, from class to class, teacher to teacher, as soon as they attain certain developmental milestones, such as crawling or walking. In fact, in a nationally representative survey of child care centers serving infants and toddlers, the vast majority of programs reported changing the classrooms and/or teachers of infants and toddlers regularly ( Cryer, Hurwitz, & Wolery, 2001). A small number of respondents to this survey indicated that they move infants/toddlers on a daily basis to meet ratio or other staffing requirements. The widely accepted practice of regularly moving the youngest children in child care from one teacher to another is in direct opposition to the professionally recommended practice of continuity of caregiver. The present study is a component of a larger study on the immediate and long-term effects of having the same caregiver or different caregivers over the first 3 years of child care. The purpose of this study was to look at the effects that transitions have on children's behavior and observable distress when continuity of caregiver is not provided. Specifically, this included what immediate effects occur when infants and toddlers make a transition to another classroom and new teacher based on developmental or other criteria. The study also looked at particular aspects of the child's experience (e.g., age at move to new class, ratings of classroom quality, the quality of teacher–child interactions, whether the child moved with a peer) that may mediate some of the immediate effects on children. Research questions are: ♦ Are there immediate effects in infants’/toddlers’ distress levels and social behavior when they make a transition to a new class/teacher? ♦ If immediate effects do exist, are any variables, other than the transition, related to those effects (e.g., age of child, global quality of pre-and post-transition classrooms, and quality of pre- and post-transition caregiver interactions with children)?