رویارویی و از دست دادن کنترل: مردسالاری و ترس مردان در فضای عمومی
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|36271||2003||12 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||محاسبه نشده|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Journal of Environmental Psychology, Volume 23, Issue 3, September 2003, Pages 311–322
Existing research typically examines fear in public space from women's perspectives. To date, environment–behavior researchers have largely overlooked men's fear in public space, and the role of masculinity in shaping men's perceptions of fear and safety. This paper investigates the intersections of traditional, dominant masculinity—or masculinism—and men's fear in public space, based on interviews with 82 undergraduate men students. Masculinism features qualities such as control, competition, aggression, and physical strength. We argue that, for many men, public spaces and situations that challenge this masculinist identity may generate fear. Similarly, spaces and situations that promote feelings of safety do so, in part, by bolstering this identity. We employ the lens of masculinity to explore men's feelings of fear of the unknown, heightened awareness and safety, fear of confrontation, and safety in numbers. Conclusions examine implications for the development of masculinity and recommendations for future research.
Fear in public space has prompted considerable scholarly research in recent years. Such research often highlights women's experiences of fear (cf. Gordon & Riger, 1989; Valentine (1990) and Valentine (1992); Pain, 1991; Bowman, 1993; Gordon & Riger (1994) and Gardner (1995); Koskela, 1997; Gordon & Riger (1999a) and Day (1999b); Mehta & Bondi, 1999). Older women, Hispanic and black women, and lower income women are identified as especially fearful (Gordon & Riger, 1989). Researchers’ emphasis on women's fear makes good sense, since women report higher levels of fear in public space, compared with men (US Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000). Furthermore, fear of crime and harassment significantly and negatively impacts women. Though women face considerable risk of violence (including sexual assault and domestic violence) in the “private” spaces of home, women's fear often emphasizes public spaces, and especially the outdoors (Day, 2001). Fear restricts women's freedom and enjoyment in public space and limits their opportunities and convenience (Deegan, 1987; Gordon & Riger, 1989; Day, 1997). The concept of “fear” in public space is intimately intertwined with our ideas of what it is to be a woman in the contemporary USA. Fear shapes many women's gender identities by prompting women to adopt restrictive social norms to preserve personal safety. At the same time, traditional female gender identities may reinforce women's fear in public space by emphasizing women's vulnerability and dependence, and by supporting the idea of public spaces as dangerous for women (Gardner, 1989; Bowman, 1993; Day, 1994). To date, environment–behavior research on fear in public space has largely ignored men and male gender identities. What is identified as fear inducing—crime, stranger assault, rape—are typically those situations and settings that impact women specifically or those that affect both women and men. Men's fear—or lack of it—is accepted as “normal” and remains unmarked by gender (Goodey, 1997), while women's fear is problematized. Men in the USA do not report high levels of fear in public space. In 2000, only 23% of American men reported that they felt afraid to walk alone in their neighborhood at night, compared to 52% of American women (US Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000). And yet, American men are more likely than women to be victims of crimes in public space (Baumer, 1978; DuBow, McCabe, & Kaplan, 1979; Harris & Miller, 2000). The disjuncture between women's higher fear and men's higher victimization in public space is known as the “fear paradox” (Koskela, 1997). As Koskela rightly notes, this situation is only paradoxical if one assumes that fear follows directly from actual crime and not, as we and many others argue, from more complex relationships between factors such as crime, reactions to crime and violence, crime reporting, myths about violence and crime, and the construction of male and female gender identities. Thus, the fact that many men in the USA describe themselves as fearless in public space surely derives (at least in part) from how masculinity is constructed. This paper attempts to expand our understanding of fear in public space by considering how masculinism shapes men's feelings of fear and safety in public space, based on findings from interviews with 82 men college students in Irvine, California. By “public space,” we refer to a loose category of everyday, publicly accessible places (after Franck & Paxson, 1989; Koskela, 1997). These spaces are both publicly and privately owned. Our intention is to begin to unpack the ways in which men's construction of gender shapes their perceptions and experiences of public space. We argue that, for many men, public spaces and situations that challenge a masculinist identity may generate fear. Similarly, spaces and situations that promote feelings of safety may do so, in part, by bolstering masculinist identity.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
This paper explores how masculinity—and masculinism, in particular—shapes men's experiences of fear and safety in public space. Our understanding of what is fearful and why is expanded by adopting this lens. Masculinism promotes the qualities of control, competition, aggression, and physical strength. For many men, public spaces and situations that challenge this gender identity may generate fear. Similarly, spaces that promote feelings of safety do so, in part, by bolstering masculinism. Men also creatively renegotiate their masculine identities to maintain both safety and self-worth, as in these participants’ construction of a mature, masculine identity that avoids confrontation and still preserves a positive self-image. This study investigates feelings of fear and safety among a group of young, mostly middle-class men college students at one university. These men's experiences do not speak to those of all men, or all men in the USA, or even all young men. As with all naturalistic research, the transferability of these findings to other settings and populations depends on the similarity of those groups and contexts to those described here (Guba, 1981; Lincoln, 1985). Important factors influencing the experience of fear among participants include the race and class diversity of the region, the post-suburban geography of Orange County and its location in the urbanized area of Southern California, and the demographic characteristics of participants themselves. Key characteristics such as age, race/ethnicity, income level, and sexuality shape the interactions between masculinity and men's fear in public space. Further research is needed on men's strategies for negotiating alternative masculine identities in public space, while maintaining feelings of safety and self-esteem. Here, we can benefit from the example of Koskela (1997), who writes about women's spatial confidence as well as their fear. Likewise, we must learn more about the settings and situations that promote feelings of safety among younger boys, men of color, gay men, and other men who do not ascribe to masculinism nor benefit from the full range of privileges it confers. Future research might benefit by incorporating longer interviews and repeated interviews, which would allow the researcher to develop greater rapport and relationship with participants and that might allow participants to discuss fear and masculinity with more confidence and candor. Such interviews would allow further exploration of the role of sexuality and of racial identity in men's self-presentations and their feelings of fear and safety. Research has documented the significant impacts of fear on women's use of public space, including increased worry and decreased enjoyment of work, educational, and social opportunities (Furby, Fischhoff, & Morgan, 1991; Day, 1997). Women's loss of independence and self-confidence are real and important consequences of fear. Fear also compromises independence and self-confidence for men. Men in this study frequently restricted their activities to spaces that were considered safe, avoiding places that might leave them vulnerable to loss of control or to confrontation. Men's lives may thus be significantly impacted—in terms of new experiences and encounters with diverse people, and in men's ability to relax and enjoy being in public space. As such, the construction of masculinities and their impacts on men's—and on women's—experience of public space warrants continued attention. By problematizing men's fear in public space, we may help to challenge or “undo” aspects of masculinism that may oppress men themselves. Arguable, it is such impacts—rather than direct changes to public space planning or design—that are the most significant potential impacts of this research.