فیس بوک و خودپنداری: حساسیت فردی برای مقایسه اجتماعی منفی در فیس بوک
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|36917||2015||5 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||محاسبه نشده|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 86, November 2015, Pages 217–221
Abstract Social network sites such as Facebook give off the impression that others are doing better than we are. As a result, the use of these sites may lead to negative social comparison (i.e., feeling like others are doing better than oneself). According to social comparison theory, such negative social comparisons are detrimental to perceptions about the self. The current study therefore investigated the indirect relationship between Facebook use and self-perceptions through negative social comparison. Because happier people process social information differently than unhappier people, we also investigated whether the relationship between Facebook use and social comparison and, as a result, self-perception, differs depending on the degree of happiness of the emerging adult. A survey among 231 emerging adults (age 18–25) showed that Facebook use was related to a greater degree of negative social comparison, which was in turn related negatively to self-perceived social competence and physical attractiveness. The indirect relationship between Facebook use and self-perception through negative social comparison was attenuated among happier individuals, as the relationship between Facebook use and negative social comparison was weaker among happier individuals. SNS use was thus negatively related to self-perception through negative social comparison, especially among unhappy individuals.
1. Introduction Social network sites (SNSs), such as Facebook, are notorious for giving off the impression that other people are living better lives than we are (Chou & Edge, 2012). People generally present themselves and their lives positively on SNSs (Dorethy, Fiebert, & Warren, 2014) for example by posting pictures in which they look their best (Manago, Graham, Greenfield, & Salimkhan, 2008) and are having a good time with their friends (Zhao, Grasmuck, & Martin, 2008). The vast majority of time spent on SNSs consists of viewing these idealized SNS profiles, pictures, and status updates of others (Pempek, Yermolayeva, & Calvert, 2009). Such information about how others are doing may impact how people see themselves, that is, their self-perceptions because people base their self-perceptions at least partly on how they are doing in comparison to others (Festinger, 1954). These potential effects of SNS use on self-perceptions through social comparison are the focus of the current study. Previous research on the effects of SNSs on self-perceptions has focused predominantly on the implications of social interactions on these websites (e.g., feedback from others) (Valkenburg, Peter, & Schouten, 2006) or due to editing and viewing content about the self on SNS (Gonzales & Hancock, 2011). However, the potential impact of SNS use on self-perception resulting from passively browsing others' profiles has received less attention. This is surprising, given that viewing others' profiles is the most prevalent SNS activity (Pempek et al., 2009) and the social information encountered in this way may impact self-perceptions through social comparison (Festinger, 1954). The current study therefore investigates the potential effects of SNS use on self-perception through social comparison. In addition, we test whether and how these indirect effects of SNS use on self-perception are subject to individual differences. More specifically, we investigate if the degree of happiness of the individual moderates the indirect effect of SNS use on self-perception. We focus on individual differences in happiness because social information affects the self-perceptions of happier people differently than the self-perceptions of unhappier people (Cummins & Nistico, 2002). The current study focuses on individual differences in the effects of the use of “Facebook” on self-perceptions among emerging adults for several reasons. Facebook is currently the most popular SNS worldwide (Statista, 2014) among emerging adults. Emerging adulthood is of special interest because this age group uses social media intensively (Coyne, Padilla-Walker, & Howard, 2013) and because the formation of self-perceptions is a central task in this developmental period (Arnett, 2000). Furthermore, self-perceptions are related to well-being (Diener and Diener, 1995, Orth et al., 2008 and Swann et al., 2007). Negative self-perceptions predict depressive symptoms (Orth et al., 2008) whereas more positive self-perceptions are strongly and positively related to subjective well-being (Diener & Diener, 1995). Therefore, uncovering the effects of SNS use on self-perception, understanding which processes underlie this relationship, and identifying which emerging adults are especially vulnerable to negative effects is crucial for the prevention of negative effects of SNS use on well-being. At the same time, the study answers the call for a stronger focus on psychological mechanisms and individual differences in media effects research (Valkenburg & Peter, 2013) and hence contributes to the development of our theoretical understanding of (social) media effects. 1.1. Social network sites, social comparison, and self-perception According to social comparison theory, we base our self-perceptions at least partly on how we think we are doing in comparison to others (Festinger, 1954). Perceiving the self as doing worse than others leads to less favorable self-perceptions (Festinger, 1954). Importantly, evidence has emerged that among emerging adults more intense Facebook use is related to more frequent social comparison (Lee, 2014). This social comparison is predominantly negative, that is, it is associated with the feeling that other Facebook users are better off (Lee, 2014). Furthermore, people who use Facebook more intensely are more inclined to believe that others are having better lives than they are (Chou & Edge, 2012). These findings are not surprising given the idealized self-presentation that occurs on Facebook (Manago et al., 2008). According to social comparison theory, negative social comparison, that is, the feeling that others are better off, will specifically impact self-perceptions in the domains in which the individual sees other people doing better than he or she is doing (Festinger, 1954). In line with this notion, experimental research has shown that viewing the Facebook profile of a peer who is physically attractive or has a successful career can have a negative impact on self-perceived attractiveness and self-perceived career success (Haferkamp & Krämer, 2011). Because emerging adults' Facebook posts and pictures frequently display the user as popular (Zhao et al., 2008) and physically attractive (Manago et al., 2008), negative social comparison on Facebook likely influences self-perceptions in the domains of social competence and physical appearance. We therefore hypothesized:
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
4. Discussion and conclusions Previous research has shown that SNS use is positively related to well-being through social interactions (Valkenburg et al., 2006). With regard to social interaction on Facebook, a poor-get-richer effect is seen in which emerging adults who are less satisfied with their lives benefit most from Facebook use in terms of increased social capital (Ellison et al., 2007). The results of the current study, however, shed light on an additional but contrasting route through which SNS use can harm well-being in a poor-get-poorer manner. Namely, the current study shows that SNS use is related to more negative self-perception through negative social comparison. These negative relationships were strongest among those emerging adults who were unhappier. Negative self-perceptions are negatively related to well-being (Diener and Diener, 1995, Orth et al., 2008 and Swann et al., 2007). Therefore, Facebook use may negatively impact youth's well-being by stimulating negative social comparison and fostering negative self-perception, especially among those emerging adults who are already unhappy. Together, previous research and the current study thus suggest that SNS use can impact self-perceptions and well-being in positive and negative ways through different routes. Which route is stronger likely depends on the individual user and the activities engaged in on the website. When engaging in social interaction, the positive effects through social capital and positive feedback are more likely. In contrast, looking at the posts of others may have negative effects on well-being through social comparison. The current study did not distinguish between these active and passive SNS activities, as it investigated general Facebook use. Furthermore, we do not know how the two contrasting routes weigh up against each other, as the current study did not measure social interaction. Future research should identify which SNS activities are related to which of these (and potential additional) processes in order to understand the net effect of SNS use on well-being resulting from different combinations of SNS activities. Our analyses showed that nationality of the participants did not have any effect on negative social comparison or on self-perception. Neither did nationality function as a moderator and influence the size or direction of any effect. Still, the moderate sample size, especially of the subsamples that were not Bulgarian, and the heterogeneous nature of our sample are limitations. We thus suggest replications of this study in different cultural contexts and with larger samples. This would not only help to address these limitations, but also offer an opportunity to check whether our findings generalize to other countries and age groups. Due to the cross-sectional nature of this study, we cannot be sure whether SNS use impacts self-perception through social comparison, whether the effect is in the opposite direction, or if it is explained by a third factor. However, the current explanation of the relationships is in line with social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954). Furthermore, experimental evidence has shown that looking at people who are doing well on Facebook can indeed cause negative effects on self-perception (Haferkamp & Krämer, 2011). The current correlational study builds on this work by showing that Facebook use indeed goes hand in hand with such negative social comparisons in real life; that SNS use is negatively related to self-perceptions through this negative social comparison; and that these negative relationships are strongest among people who are unhappy. In summary, the current study advances our knowledge firstly about the different manners in which SNS use can impact self-perception and secondly about what groups of young people are particularly affected by SNS use. In this way, the current study is another step in the development of a comprehensive model that predicts and explains whose self-perception and well-being is influenced by which social media activities in what way. This knowledge is vital if we want to maximize the benefits and minimize the risks of social media for the well-being of young people.