ساختار و اعتبار اقدامات جهت مقایسه اجتماعی ظاهری در میان بزرگسالان در حال ظهور در چین
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|37016||2014||10 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||9125 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Body Image, Volume 11, Issue 4, September 2014, Pages 464–473
Abstract We evaluated the structure and validity of the Upward Appearance Comparison Scale (UPACS) and Downward Appearance Comparison Scale (DACS) (O’Brien et al., 2009) in Chinese samples. In Study 1, principal component analysis on an initial sample (427 women, 123 men) and confirmatory factor analysis on another sample (447 women, 121 men) found that a 15-item, two component model had the best overall fit. Derived components had moderate correlations with most conceptually related measures and low correlations with less conceptually related indices. Study 2 participants (310 women, 201 men) completed the UPACS and DACS as well as measures of disordered eating, fatness concern, and negative affect; they were re-assessed one year later. Baseline UPACS scores predicted changes in disordered eating for women and fatness concerns for men, independent of initial disturbances, but DACS responses were not related to outcomes. Findings highlighted the potential utility of derived UPACS and DACS within a Chinese context.
Introduction Social comparison is a possibly innate process that helps people to understand ambiguous circumstances and evaluate their attitudes, attributes and abilities with those of others (e.g., Buunk and Gibbons, 2007, Festinger, 1954 and Wood, 1996). While “similar” others are often sought as targets of social comparisons, “downward” comparisons with less skilled or less fortunate others may be made to improve perceptions of one's self or circumstances (Wills, 1981) and “upward” comparisons with more skilled or more fortunate others can reflect a desire to improve one's status or skills (Collins, 1996). Appearance social comparisons have had a central role in recent theory and research on body image disturbances. For example, frequent physical appearance comparisons with other people and media images have been linked to body dissatisfaction, weight regulation, and disordered eating (e.g., Jones, 2001, Jones, 2004, Keery et al., 2004, Shroff and Thompson, 2006, Thompson et al., 1999 and van den Berg et al., 2002), as well as explicit and implicit anti-fat attitudes (O’Brien, Hunter, Halberstadt, & Anderson, 2007). Recently, O’Brien et al. (2009) developed directional measures to evaluate the potentially distinct effects of upward and downward appearance comparisons on attitudes and functioning among Australian university students (60% women). Principal components analyses (PCA) resulted in a 10-item Upward Physical Appearance Comparison Scale (UPACS) that assesses comparisons of oneself with more physically attractive others and an eight-item Downward Physical Appearance Comparison Scale (DACS) that reflects comparisons of oneself with others judged to be less physically attractive. The scales were found to have satisfactory internal consistency, stability over two weeks, and construct validity. For example, relative to DACS scores, UPACS scores had stronger relations to negative appearance evaluations and eating problems. Conversely, DACS scores had stronger links with anti-fat attitudes. Subsequently, Vartanian and Dey (2013) reported that both the UPACS and DACS have high alphas, modest correlations with age and body mass index (BMI), and moderate associations with a media ideal internalization scale among university-age Australian women. Although each measure has promise, O’Brien et al. (2009) acknowledged the scales should be evaluated more fully in diverse samples. Because research on the UPACS and DACS has been limited to Australian samples, it is not clear whether they are structurally equivalent and valid in other cultures. Appearance comparisons are highly relevant in collectivist nations such as China where sensitivity to standards within one's social network are important to self-definitions, useful for achieving personal ends, and crucial for gaining social approval (Jung & Lee, 2006). Notably, body dissatisfaction and disordered eating have become increasingly common in Chinese samples (e.g., Chen and Jackson, 2008, Chen et al., 2006 and Jackson and Chen, 2010b), and frequent appearance comparisons correlate reliably with such concerns (Chen et al., 2007, Chen and Jackson, 2012, Jackson and Chen, 2007, Jackson and Chen, 2008c, Jackson and Chen, 2008d and Jackson and Chen, 2010b). Hence, the utility of directional appearance comparison scales warrants consideration in this cultural milieu. Another issue of note regarding the UPACS and DACS was their high correlation with one another (r = .66) in O’Brien et al.’s (2009) sample. This correlation indicated people who made frequent upward appearance comparison also made more downward comparisons. As a result, unique correlates of elevations in upward versus downward comparisons may be obscured by substantial overlaps the scales have with appearance comparison frequency. While brief situational effects of appearance comparison direction can be illuminated through experimental manipulations involving exposure to upward or downward comparison targets (e.g., Galioto & Crowther, 2013), identifying and comparing subgroups reporting predominant upward versus predominant downward appearance comparison tendencies is a strategy that may clarify less contextually bound correlates of each tendency. On one hand, the tendency to make upward comparisons with more physically attractive others should correspond to valuing unrealistic attractiveness ideals and heightened body image/eating disturbances (e.g., Keery et al., 2004, Leahey et al., 2007 and Myers et al., 2012), while downward comparison tendencies might correlate with positive self-concept (Wills, 1981). On the other hand, downward comparisons with the less fortunate are sometimes made by overwhelmed people to protect self-esteem or bolster optimism about their circumstances, while upward comparisons with “better-off” peers are more likely to be made, among people whose self-esteem is secure, to improve skills or strive for growth (see Collins, 1996). Assessing differences between groups with stronger upward versus stronger downward appearance comparison tendencies may help to clarify experiences unique to each tendency. Finally, prospective studies have identified frequent appearance comparisons as a risk factor for later increases in body image and eating concerns (e.g., Chen and Jackson, 2009a, Chen and Jackson, 2009b, Jackson and Chen, 2008a, Jackson and Chen, 2011 and Jones, 2004). However, to our knowledge, prospective effects of appearance comparison direction have been limited to intervals of several days rather than months or years (e.g., Leahey et al., 2007 and Myers et al., 2012). For example, Leahey et al. (2007) found that American college women who compared themselves to more attractive reference group members experienced more negative affect, body dissatisfaction, and thoughts of exercising over one week, while downward appearance comparisons with others perceived as less attractive predicted decreases in negative affect and body dissatisfaction. Extensions are needed to assess long-term ramifications of upward and downward appearance comparison on these outcomes. Based on this overview, two studies evaluated the UPACS and DACS in Chinese samples. Study 1 assessed the structure of UPACS and DACS items via PCA and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on independent samples as well as the construct validity of derived components. In addition, differences between subgroups with predominant upward versus predominant downward appearance comparison tendencies were explored on demographic and psychosocial measures common to both samples. In Study 2, we evaluated the status of responses on derived UPACS and DACS as risk factors for exacerbations in eating disturbances, fatness concerns, and negative affect over 12 months in a third sample.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی