ارتباط آزار و اذیت توسط پدر و مادر، خواهر و برادر و هم سالان با نارضایتی دختران از بدن و تحریک پسران برای پرورش اندام: نقش مقایسه اجتماعی به عنوان یک میانجی
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|37019||2014||10 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||محاسبه نشده|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Eating Behaviors, Volume 15, Issue 4, December 2014, Pages 599–608
Abstract In this cross-sectional study, we focused on three research questions pertaining to the connections between appearance-related teasing and body image during adolescence. First, we investigated how parental appearance-related teasing of adolescents was associated with teasing by siblings. Second, we examined how teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers was individually associated with adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. We included BMI as a possible moderator in these analyses. Third, we tested the role of appearance-related social comparison as a mediator of the relations between teasing and body image. Self-report survey data were collected from 80 girls and 78 boys in a Midwestern U.S. middle school. Results from correlational and odds-ratio analyses indicated that teasing by mothers and fathers was strongly associated with teasing by siblings. Additionally, in regression analyses, mothers', fathers', siblings', and peers' teasing were separately associated with girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. Social comparison partially mediated the relationship between all sources of teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction as well as the relationship between mothers' and fathers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. Social comparison fully mediated the link between peers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. Researchers and clinicians should be aware of how family members and peers can influence adolescents' development of body image concerns through teasing behaviors and by social comparison.
. Introduction Body image is a multidimensional construct that refers to how individuals experience and perceive their bodies and the attitudes they form about their bodies (Rieves & Cash, 1996). Body image concerns may begin as early as age 6 for both girls and boys in the United States, with an increase occurring during the adolescent years (Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). Attention should be given to differences between females and males as Western cultural expectations differ, with females expected to have thin bodies and males expected to have muscular bodies. Indeed, research has shown that the most common source of body image concern among adolescents is thinness for girls and muscularity for boys (Hargreaves and Tiggemann, 2006, Jones and Crawford, 2005 and McCabe and Ricciardelli, 2001). Boys may be satisfied with their body fat or wish to lose body fat while simultaneously desiring to become more muscular (Tylka, 2011). In the present study, we focus on body dissatisfaction among girls and drive for muscularity among boys. Body dissatisfaction refers to an unhappiness regarding specific areas of the body that are often associated with shape changes or increased adiposity, such as the thighs, stomach, and hips (Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983). Drive for muscularity refers to concerns regarding muscularity, satisfaction with muscle mass, and attempts to increase muscle (McCreary & Sasse, 2000). Adolescence is an important time to focus on the factors that contribute to body image due to the heightened importance of appearance during this time period. In addition, puberty sets the stage for an increase of concerns about body image due to the body undergoing external physical changes (Ata, Ludden, & Lally, 2007). For example, the majority of girls' bodies move away from the Western thin ideal as a result of pubertal changes involving gains in weight and height, which typically lead to increased body dissatisfaction (Stice & Whitenton, 2002). In contrast, while boys' bodies generally move closer to the muscular ideal, both late-maturing and early-maturing boys tend to be concerned with their muscle mass and engage in strategies to increase muscle size, such as muscle-building exercises or the use of food supplements (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2004). Therefore, it is necessary to focus on factors associated with the development of body image concerns during adolescence, specifically within the U.S. where these issues are prevalent and may lead to increased risk of disordered eating as well as full-blown eating disorders among both females and males (Ricciardelli and McCabe, 2004, Rodgers et al., 2012 and Stice, 2002). 1.1. Appearance-related teasing Teasing by family members and peers is widespread and common among American adolescents (Eisenberg et al., 2003 and Taylor, 2011). Teasing can be either negative or positive but is typically considered to be negative with the sole purpose of asserting social dominance by hurting, humiliating, or harassing another (Kruger et al., 2006 and Shapiro et al., 1991). Teasing can become particularly harmful when it is directed at personal features associated with physical appearance (Kruger et al., 2006, Shapiro et al., 1991 and Thompson, Fabian, Moulton, Dunn and Altabe, 1991). Any reinforcement and attention given to appearance, especially in the form of teasing, draws attention to an individual's body and encourages social comparison to others based on physical attributes (Jones, 2004). Particularly for girls during the adolescent period, teasing can be a form of objectification wherein others, especially males, provide criticism and feedback about girls' bodies as objects that do not meet the Western cultural ideal of thinness and beauty. Research has indicated that both girls and boys experience teasing about their bodies and appearance during adolescence (Eisenberg et al., 2003, McCormack et al., 2011, Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002 and Taylor, 2011). For example, among American adolescents, appearance-related teasing by peers was reported by 30–37% of girls and 24–44% of boys, and appearance-related teasing by family members was reported by 28–40% of girls and 16–33% of boys (Eisenberg et al., 2003 and McCormack et al., 2011). These studies did not, however, consider each family member separately. When considering mothers and fathers separately, 19% of middle school-aged girls had experienced appearance-related teasing by their fathers and 13% experienced it from their mothers (Keery, Boutelle, Berg, & Thompson, 2005). Of these same girls, 29% also reported being teased about their appearance by their siblings (Keery et al., 2005). Thus, it appears as though appearance-related teasing is a prevalent problem among American youth. Adolescent girls who experience appearance-related teasing from family members are more likely to participate in unhealthy weight control behavior, have a higher level of body dissatisfaction, and are more invested in achieving thinness (Eisenberg et al., 2003, Keery et al., 2005, McCormack et al., 2011 and Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2010). Additionally, adolescent boys who are teased by their parents tend to have low levels of body satisfaction and a greater drive for muscularity (Eisenberg et al., 2003, McCormack et al., 2011 and Smolak and Stein, 2006). Appearance-related teasing by parents likely increases adolescents' body image concerns by reinforcing societal values of appearance and emphasizing adherence to cultural ideals. Parental teasing can also have indirect effects through siblings, as the modeling of parents' teasing behaviors, particularly fathers', may be associated with higher levels of sibling teasing (Keery et al., 2005). The siblings most commonly cited by adolescents as appearance-related teasers tend to be older brothers (Keery et al., 2005). One study found that 79% of college-aged women who had brothers reported being teased by their brothers during adolescence (Rieves & Cash, 1996). Brothers were identified as the worst teasers by 33% of the women, whereas sisters were identified as the worst teasers by only 8% (Rieves & Cash, 1996). Teasing by an older brother has been correlated with negative body image (Keery et al., 2005). To this date, however, only a few studies have examined the effects of appearance-related teasing by siblings; therefore, it is important to gain a better understanding of how sibling behaviors may be associated with body image among adolescents. Appearance-related teasing by peers is also associated with an increase in body dissatisfaction among adolescents (Eisenberg et al., 2003, Jones, 2004, McCormack et al., 2011, Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002 and Phares et al., 2004), with a particularly strong correlation for girls. Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) offers an explanation for the strong connection between teasing and body image in girls, such that girls are likely to internalize thinness-related commentary from others and, in turn, view themselves as unattractive objects to the opposite sex for failing to attain the thin ideal. The connection between drive for muscularity and appearance-related teasing among adolescent boys has recently become a topic of research studies, yet the relationship has not been well-established. Of the research that has focused on appearance-related teasing and drive for muscularity, many of the studies have combined teasing with other sociocultural factors such as pressure and feedback regarding weight (e.g., McCabe and Ricciardelli, 2003, Smolak et al., 2005, Stanford and McCabe, 2005 and Tylka, 2011). Yet, teasing has been associated with weight-lifting in middle school-aged boys (McVey, Tweed, & Blackmore, 2005). Another study found that peer teasing was correlated with adolescent boys' attitudes but not behaviors regarding muscularity (Smolak & Stein, 2006). Peers are likely to be particularly influential during adolescence, as peer relations intensify and more time is spent together. A recent meta-analysis of the effects of teasing by family members and peers on body image indicated that medium effect sizes existed, ranging from .32 to .43, for both females and males (Menzel et al., 2010). This suggests that teasing has detrimental effects on adolescents' perceptions of themselves. Not only does teasing influence adolescents during the time it occurs, but the effects of appearance-related teasing can last into adulthood and beyond (Ata et al., 2007). Because of the negative and potential long-lasting impact of teasing on adolescents, it is essential to thoroughly examine the perpetrators of teasing and both the direct and indirect effects these individuals have on a particularly vulnerable age group. Because Body Mass Index (BMI; weight [kg]/height [m2]) is a strong predictor of body image, it may be influential in the relationship between teasing and body image (Menzel et al., 2010 and Stice, 2002). In particular, some research has suggested that adolescents who are above or below average weight are not only more likely to develop a negative body image but also experience more teasing and other sociocultural pressures to meet the thin and muscular ideals (McCormack et al., 2011, Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002 and Stice and Whitenton, 2002). Due to being overweight or underweight, these individuals tend to be targets of pressures to meet the cultural size expectations because they vary the farthest from the ideals (Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002). In contrast, a qualitative study assessing weight-based teasing during adolescence found that even healthy-weight girls were teased about their body size (Taylor, 2011). Similarly, previous research that has either investigated the possible predictive role of BMI on body image or controlled for BMI when examining the connection between appearance-related teasing and body image have found no significant effect of BMI (Keery et al., 2005 and Smolak and Stein, 2006). Due to the conflicting nature of these bodies or research, it is important to include BMI as a possible moderator in the connections between teasing and body image. 1.2. The role of social comparison According to Social Comparison theory, individuals compare themselves to others in order to evaluate themselves (Festinger, 1954). Appearance-related social comparison is the process of comparing one's body and looks to others for the purpose of gathering information about highly valued attributes and societal expectations associated with appearance in order to make a judgment about one's own appearance (Jones, 2001 and Smolak et al., 2005). Given that appearance is one of the perceived routes to acceptance and popularity during adolescence, social comparison becomes an important method for learning about appearance-related expectations among peers and for evaluating oneself based on those standards (Jones, 2001). The Tripartite Influence Model posits that parent and peer influences play a strong role in the development of body image and eating concerns, primarily through their effects on appearance comparison (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). A later model expanded this work to specifically address male body image concerns with muscularity as an outcome (Tylka, 2011). Adolescents who receive any type of feedback about their appearance, in particular via teasing, may be more likely to engage in appearance-related social comparison in order to determine the characteristics of their bodies that are not meeting expectations (Shroff & Thompson, 2006). When adolescents perceive that their bodies do not meet expectations regarding thinness or muscularity, they may engage in behaviors to change their appearance. Social comparison has been found to be both individually associated with appearance-related teasing by peers and parents, as well as with body dissatisfaction among females and drive for muscularity among males (Galioto et al., 2012, Karazsia and Crowther, 2009, Keery et al., 2004, Myers and Crowther, 2009, Shroff and Thompson, 2006, Smolak and Stein, 2006, Smolak et al., 2005 and Vander Wal and Thelen, 2000). Social comparison may explain why teasing and body image are connected. For example, among middle-school girls, the relationship between pressure from parents, peers, and the media to be thin and body dissatisfaction was fully or partially mediated by appearance-related social comparison (Keery et al., 2004 and Shroff and Thompson, 2006). Furthermore, among college-aged women, appearance-related social comparison served as a mediator of the relation between appearance-related teasing by family members and peers and body dissatisfaction (Thompson, Coovert and Stormer, 1999 and van den Berg et al., 2002). In another study focusing on adolescent boys, social comparison partially mediated the link between peer influence and parental appearance-related comments on muscle-building (Smolak et al., 2005). Findings were similar in an adult male sample, wherein appearance-related comparisons mediated the connection between social influences (defined as family members and peers) and muscle dissatisfaction (Karazsia & Crowther, 2009). In contrast, other studies have offered limited or no support for social comparison as a mediator. For instance, although teasing from others had a direct effect on Chinese women's body dissatisfaction, teasing did not have indirect effects via appearance-related social comparison; the same pattern existed for males, such that teasing was not linked with social comparison but was with body image (Chen, Gao, & Jackson, 2007). Similarly, Jones (2004) found that social comparison did not play a mediating role between sociocultural influences, such as teasing, and dissatisfaction with various body parts among both girls and boys in middle school. It is worth noting that the afore-mentioned study by Jones (2004) was the only mediational study that focused on both girls and boys during adolescence. Additionally, due to the inconsistent findings regarding mediation, it is necessary to further investigate the connections among appearance-related teasing, appearance-related social comparison, and body image among middle school-aged adolescents in the U.S. This is especially important to study among girls, because younger girls are more negatively influenced by social comparisons than undergraduate women (Myers & Crowther, 2009). 1.3. Present study In the current study, we sought to examine the cross-sectional connections of appearance-related teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers with adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. First, we hypothesized that an adolescent who has parents who engaged in appearance-related teasing directed towards the adolescent would also have siblings who engaged in teasing behaviors directed towards the adolescent. Second, we hypothesized that teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers would individually be associated with higher levels of body dissatisfaction among girls and a greater drive for muscularity among boys. In these analyses, we included BMI as a potential moderator. As discussed earlier, findings regarding the impact of BMI on body image have been conflicted. However, based on non-significant findings from a select body of research investigating the predictive and moderating roles of BMI in the relationship between appearance-related teasing and adolescents' body image (Keery et al., 2005 and Smolak and Stein, 2006), we hypothesized that teasing would be associated with girls' and boys' body image regardless of their body composition (i.e., BMI would not moderate the relationship). Although appearance-related social comparison has been identified as a potential mediating factor between sociocultural influences and body image, it has only received minimal support for its mediating role specifically between appearance-related teasing and either body dissatisfaction in girls or drive for muscularity in boys, especially during adolescence. Our third hypothesis was such that appearance-related social comparison would at least partially explain the relationship between appearance-related teasing from all sources and body dissatisfaction among girls and drive for muscularity among boys. The Tripartite Influence Model provides a theoretical justification for testing this particular mediation process, as causal connections are outlined between teasing, social comparison, and body image or disordered eating (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). Particular strengths of our study include the age of our sample (middle school adolescents), the inclusion of both genders, the separation of type of influence (mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers), and the testing of a particular process-oriented mediation model.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
5. Conclusion Appearance-related teasing is a detrimental behavior that family members and peers may be engaging in with adolescents. Appearance-related teasing can contribute to adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity directly and indirectly through appearance-related social comparison, and regardless of their body composition. Both body dissatisfaction and drive for muscularity have been associated with eating disorders and muscle dysmorphia among girls and boys in the U.S. Therefore, teasing needs to be addressed with family members and peers through therapy, research, and prevention and intervention programs in order to reduce the likelihood that adolescents will engage in social comparison and unhealthy weight-related behaviors and attitudes.