رابطه بین خطر و عوامل محافظ دوران کودکی، خشونت کوچک نژادی و هویت قومی و خودکارآمدی دانشگاهی و رفتارهای ضداجتماعی در بزرگسالی جوان
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|37326||2015||11 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||10638 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Children and Youth Services Review, Volume 50, March 2015, Pages 64–74
Abstract We examined how childhood and adolescent risk and protective factors and perceptions of racial microaggression and ethnic identity during young adulthood contributed to academic self-efficacy, substance abuse, and criminal intentions of 409 undergraduate students enrolled in a public urban university. Participants (mean age — 24) completed a web-based survey subsequent to a stratified, random sampling procedure. Findings from structural equation models revealed that risk factors reflecting problem behavior during childhood were associated with higher levels of substance use and criminal intentions during adulthood. The early protective factor of school engagement was positively related to academic self-efficacy and negatively related to criminal intentions in young adults. Racial microaggression was inversely related, while ethnic identity was positively associated, with academic self-efficacy among young adults after controlling for the influence of child and adolescent risk and protective factors. Implications for advancing interventions that address the influence of child and adolescent risk and protective factors, racial microaggression, and ethnic identity on academic and behavioral outcomes for young adults are noted.
Introduction 1.1. The developmental period of young adulthood Young adulthood is a period of human development marked by the transition from adolescence to the roles and responsibilities of adulthood. The significant life events that prescribe the roles and expectations for adulthood are well-known. Young people leave their parents' homes, establish careers, become financially stable, and start families of their own, usually in this order (Fussell & Furstenberg, 2005). Meeting these milestones ultimately defines success as a young adult (Furstenberg, Rumbaut, & Settersten, 2005). Recent changes in socioeconomic culture have led to a number of social, educational, and employment challenges for young adults. For example, there is currently a dearth of employment and career options for young adults who do not pursue higher education or specialized training during young adulthood (Smith, Sum, Harris, Jordan, & Waldron, 2012). Even young adults who do attend college or receive training often face serious financial challenges between the ages of 20 and 30. Consequently, the general trend for many young adults has been to leave home at an older age, and to maintain full or partial financial dependence on their parents while navigating the transition to adulthood. In addition, marriage and parenthood among today's young adults take many different forms and often are delayed. Although young adulthood is generally considered to occur between the ages of 18 and 25, for many the transition can span well into their 30s (Arnett, 2000 and Fussell and Furstenberg, 2005). The pathway to establishing and succeeding in the roles and responsibilities of adulthood is ambiguous, and often confronted with little structure or guidance. Successfully navigating young adulthood requires a complex set of skills, resources, values, and the self-confidence necessary to avoid antisocial behaviors like substance abuse and crime and achieve success in education, work, and social settings. While most young adults experience positive growth and accomplishments, many others struggle during the years following adolescence, especially those exposed to disadvantage and risk during childhood (Fussell & Furstenberg, 2005). Most young people require some support and resources beyond their own means, yet for those whose needs tend to be the most numerous and complex, those supports and resources are often least available. Successful transition to adulthood is most likely for young people who attend and live at four-year college campuses following high school (Smith et al., 2012). These colleges provide an ideal support structure for the semi-autonomous status of young adulthood. In most cases, students in these environments are able to complete college degrees that, in turn, help them move through a linear process aimed at a successful career path. Access to college is difficult, however, for young people with minimal resources, those with limited academic success in high school, and those who already have adult responsibilities such as children and financial burdens. For many of these young adults, public post-secondary education is an important option toward obtaining an education that is affordable and can be structured around their other responsibilities. Finally, many young people pursuing public education also are disadvantaged by exposure to earlier and current life experiences and circumstances that are associated with a number of adverse outcomes during young adulthood. For many, their pursuit of higher education is an act of resilience in itself. Prior studies show that educational attainment, substance abuse, and involvement in criminal behavior are among the most significant negative outcomes experienced by young adults (Child Trends, 2010, Cusick et al., 2010 and National Center for Health Statistics Health, United States, 2009). In addition, a number of statistical trends show disproportionately high rates of these problems for economically disadvantaged and minority racial and ethnic populations (Child Trends Data Bank, 2010). These data raise serious concern about the capacity of many individuals to transition successfully to the roles and expectations of adulthood. Recent trends in educational attainment, substance abuse, and criminality are reviewed below. 1.2. Common negative outcomes in young adulthood 1.2.1. Educational attainment Higher education and other forms of advanced training during young adulthood are necessary to enter and advance in the American workforce (Smith et al., 2012). Young adults who immediately enter the workforce with only a high school degree often have difficulty finding employment and face numerous obstacles to advancing their careers over time (Furstenberg et al., 2005; Smith et al., 2012). In 2012, 73% of 25–34 year old young adults with bachelor's degrees were employed full-time, year-round compared to only 60% of those who had completed high school or a high school equivalency examination. Although the rate for young people with bachelor's degrees did not change significantly between 2002 and 2012, young adults without a high school degree who worked full-time, year-round, dropped from 60% to 49%, and those who had only completed high school dropped from 64% to 60% during this same time period (Kena et al., 2014). A quotation from the report on the status of young adults by the Annie Casey Foundation illustrates the problems of employment in the absence of higher or specialized training: More and more doors are closing for these young people. Entry-level jobs at fast-food restaurants and clothing stores that high school dropouts once could depend on to start their careers now go to older workers with better experience and credentials. It often takes a GED to get a job flipping hamburgers. Even some with college degrees are having trouble finding work (Smith et al., 2012). The importance of college education in establishing even minimal success and stability during young adulthood means that enrollment in undergraduate education has become standard practice for many young adults. Not surprisingly, data spanning 1967 to 2009 reveal consistent increases in the percentage of young adults between 18 and 24 who enrolled in college. In 1967, 26% of young adults between 18 and 24 enrolled in college; by 2009, 41% of all young adults enrolled in college Davis & Bauman, 2011). College enrollment rates began to level off and actually decreased between 2010 and 2012 (Kena et al., 2014). However the disparity in college enrollment between low-income and middle and high-income young adults with high school credential has become even greater during this time period. In 2012, 51% of low-income high school graduates entered college in comparison to 65% middle-income, and 81% high income students (Kena, et al., 2014). On the other hand, after decades of disparities in enrollment between White and minority racial group students (not including Asians, who have consistently displayed high education achievement), approximately two-thirds of White, Black and Hispanic high school graduates enrolled in college in 2012 (Kena et al., 2014). Converging enrollment trends, while promising, do not obscure the persistent “achievement gap” between White students and racial minority students that begins in early childhood and persists throughout higher education in the U.S. (Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010). Black and Hispanic children are more likely to be in high concentration poverty schools and tend to score lower than White children on standardized tests in elementary and middle school. Being Black or Hispanic is also related to a higher likelihood of dropping out of high school (Kena et al., 2014). Low-income students who do go to college are more likely to be enrolled in 2-year colleges than those with higher SES (who are more likely to attend 4-year private institutions) than lower SES students. Black and Hispanic and low SES students are also more likely to be enrolled in remedial courses in college (Sparks & Malkus, 2013), and students who take remedial courses in college are much less likely to complete college (Sparks & Malkus, 2013). From 1990 to 2013, the percentage of 25- to 29-year-olds who had attained a bachelor's or higher degree increased from 26% to 40% for Whites, from 13% to 20% percent for Blacks, from 8% to 16% percent for Hispanics, and from 43% to 58% for Asians/Pacific Islanders. While these rates increased for all of these racial groups, between 1990 and 2013, the gap in the rate of attainment of a bachelor's or higher degree between Whites and Blacks grew 13 to 20 percentage points, and the gap between Whites and Hispanics grew 18 to 25 percentage points. 1.2.2. Substance abuse Most young adults who use drugs or alcohol initiate use during adolescence (Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Administration [SAMHSA], 2014). The prevalence of substance use peaks during young adulthood before decreasing in the mid-20s. Young adults between 18 and 25 years old have higher rates of illicit drug use, alcohol use, and binge drinking than any other age group. Self-report data from the 2013 National Survey on Drug Use and Health indicate that 21% of young adults used illicit drugs, including marijuana, in the past month. Thirteen percent of young adults reported heavy alcohol use and 43% reported binge drinking in 2013. Seventeen percent of 18 to 25 year-olds met criteria for drug or alcohol dependence or abuse in 2013 (SAMHSA, 2014). Racial and ethnic differences in illicit drugs and alcohol use reveal that 12% of American Indians, 11% percent of blacks, 10% of whites, 9% of Latinos, and 3% of Asians used illicit drugs in the past month in 2013 (SAMSHA, 2014). Fifty-eight percent of Whites, 44% of Blacks, 37% of American Indians, and 35% of Asians reported current alcohol use. Rates of binge drinking were comparable for Whites (24%), American Indians (24%), and Latinos (24%) and lower for Blacks (20%) and Asians (2%) in 2013 (SAMSHA, 2014). 1.2.3. Criminal behavior Young adults are disproportionately arrested and incarcerated in the U.S. Findings from a recent analysis of official record data revealed a dramatic increase in lifetime arrest rates during the period of late adolescence/early adulthood; in fact, between 30% and 41% of Americans have been arrested by the time they turn 23 years old (Brame, Turner, Paternoster, & Bushway, 2012). National crime statistics indicate that young adults (ages 18–29) accounted for more than 44% of all crimes committed in the country in 2012 (U.S. Department of Justice, 2012). Jail and prison populations are especially over-represented by young adult males (National Center for Health Statistics, 2009). Studies from the Child Trends Data Bank (2010) indicate that the number of young adults between 18 and 29 in prison or jail increased 14%—from nearly 750,000 to 862,000 people—between 1999 and 2008. Young Black men in their late teenage years are more likely to be incarcerated than any other minority group. In 2006, approximately 5% of non-Latino/Hispanic Black men ages 18 to19 years, 11% age 20 to 24 years, and 12% age 25 to 29 years were in prison or jail, compared with less than 2% of non-Latino/Hispanic White men and about 4% of Latino/Hispanic men in those age groups (National Center for Health Statistics, 2009). In sum, recent social changes and high rates of economic instability have made it difficult for many young adults to find success and create long-term stability in their lives. Higher education and specialized training have become the cornerstones of success during young adulthood, leaving young people with disadvantaged childhoods even more vulnerable to poverty and instability as young adults. Low educational attainment, and high rates of substance use and crime among young adults reveal that many young adults are indeed having trouble. Differential rates among racial groups for these outcomes indicate the particular importance of investigating possible risk and protective factors related to race toward understanding and ameliorating these troubling trends. 1.3. Causes and correlates of academic achievement and problem behavior during young adulthood Current understanding of the etiology of outcomes associated with academic problems, substance abuse, and criminal behavior in young adulthood has been largely based on what is known about exposure to risk and protective factors during childhood. A strong body of evidence consistent with a risk and resilience framework has identified a number of child and adolescent risk and protective factors that contribute to academic problems and to antisocial conduct occurring during adolescence ( Farrington, 1995, Herrenkohl et al., 2000 and Werner, 2005). Principles of risk, protection, and resilience have become cornerstones in understanding and preventing behaviors like substance use, delinquency, aggression, and school drop-out ( Catalano, 2007 and Woolf, 2008). Risk factors are individual, school, peer, family, and community influences that increase the likelihood that a young person will experience behavioral, social or emotional health problems ( Jenson & Fraser, 2011). Conversely, protective factors, are conditions or attributes in individuals, families, communities, or the larger society that, when present, lower the probability of an undesirable outcome in young people. Closely linked to principles of risk and protection is the concept of resilience, which is the ability to overcome adverse conditions and to function normatively despite exposure to risk. However, knowledge of the continued effect of these childhood risk and protective factors on academic performance and behavior during young adulthood is limited. Also of great concern is that most studies of risk and protective factors in child or adult samples seldom consider or measure the effects of racial discrimination or ethnic identity on academic performance and behavior among young adults. This is true despite ample evidence indicating the presence of significant disparities in academic and behavioral outcomes between White and minority racial populations in the United States (Gregory et al., 2010). In fact, it has long been understood that racial discrimination is a risk factor for a number of adverse outcomes for people of all ages, ethnicities, and races (Feagin, 1991, Krieger and Sidney, 1996, Paradies, 2006, Smith, 1985, Sue, 2010 and Williams et al., 2003). For example, negative impacts of racial discrimination on physical health (Harrell et al., 2003, Krieger and Sidney, 1996, Smith, 1985 and Williams et al., 2003), mental health, and self-esteem are well-documented (Joiner et al., 2001 and Roberts et al., 1997). These results tend to be limited by macro-level focus on identifying the contexts in which discrimination occurs; less emphasis has been placed on understanding the actual actions and interpersonal dynamics involved in discrimination. Furthermore, very little is known about the influence of racial discrimination on behavioral outcomes during the developmental period of young adulthood. Perceived discrimination, defined by Pascoe and Richman (2009) as the “…behavioral manifestations of a negative attitude, judgment, or unfair treatment toward members of a group (p. 3)” often occurs in subtle forms which in particular may exacerbate stress and lead to poor academic and behavioral outcomes in young adults ( Burt et al., 2012 and Pascoe and Richman, 2009; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003). The concept of racial and ethnic microaggression has become an increasing focus of empirical investigation due to its ability to explain how discrimination manifests itself in modern culture through small, specific, every day experiences of perceived discrimination. At the same time, a young person's sense of ethnic identity has been found to be an important protective factor in reducing the negative effects of discrimination for some people from minority racial groups ( Phinney, 1992, Umaña-Taylor and Updegraff, 2007, Utsey et al., 2002 and Wong et al., 2003). However, the effect of ethnic identity on academic and young adult behavioral outcomes has seldom been examined. Furthermore, the influence of ethnic identity in the context of childhood risk and protective factors or racial microaggression is not well understood. 1.3.1. Risk, protection, and young adulthood Prior investigations identified that a stable set of risk and protective factors is associated with the onset or prevention of problem behavior during childhood and adolescence (e.g., Hawkins, Catalano, & Arthur, 2002). Domains of the social ecology are generally used to organize knowledge of risk and protective factors for problem behavior in young people. Children possess internal characteristics and genetic predispositions, and are exposed to influential risk and protective factors, in their families, peers, schools, and neighborhoods. Their behavioral outcomes are understood as products of interactive processes between the children and their environments (Hawkins et al., 2002). Results from these studies indicate that, in some cases, child and adolescent risk and protective factors are also predictive of outcomes in young adulthood (Farrington, 1995, Jessor et al., 1991 and Werner, 1993). However, findings supporting the relationship between early risk and protective factors and young adult behavior have also been questioned by results from other investigations that reveal patterns of desistence from antisocial behavior among young adults who were exposed to high levels of risk during childhood and adolescence (e.g., Laub & Sampson, 1993). Regardless, childhood predictors alone cannot explain the unacceptably high prevalence of negative outcomes found in young adults. Evidence pertaining to outcomes during young adulthood also reveals risk and protective influences that are unique to the social ecology of young adulthood. For example, investigators have found that close interpersonal connections and commitment to education and occupational goals among young adults are inversely related to criminal behavior and alcohol use during young adulthood (Eitle et al., 2010, Kosterman et al., 2005 and Stein et al., 1993). Similarly, high levels of involvement in civic engagement activities, social causes, and volunteerism among young adults are related to lower rates of substance use and higher levels of academic performance among young people in their 20s (Kosterman et al., 2005). On the whole, however, knowledge of how risk and protective factors affect academic and behavioral outcomes during the young adult years is limited. 1.3.2. Racial microaggression, ethnic identity, and young adulthood Relatively little attention has been paid to understanding the relationship between perceived racial discrimination and academic and behavioral outcomes in young adults. This is surprising in view of the fact that perceived discrimination is a well-known risk factor for physical and emotional health and for documented disparities in academic achievement, substance abuse, and criminal behavior between White and minority racial groups. Most of the available empirical evidence about the effects of discrimination on behavior during young adulthood is from studies conducted with African American samples. Perceived racial discrimination has been associated with higher rates of substance use among Black adult respondents in the Family and Community Health Study (Gibbons, Gerrard, Cleveland, Wills, & Brody, 2004). Findings from the same study, (Chen, Kogan, Murray, Logan, and Luo, 2008) revealed that increases in perceived discrimination from late childhood to early adolescence were associated with conduct problems in adolescence, particularly for boys. Relationships between perceived discrimination, conduct problems, and depression were reduced by the presence of nurturing parents, prosocial friends, and doing well in school (Brody et al., 2008). Caldwell, Kohn-Wood, Schmeelk-Cone, Chavous, and Zimmerman (2004) examined the influences of perceived racial discrimination and different racial identity attitudes on engaging in violent behavior among 325 African American young adults and found that experiences of racial discrimination was a predictor of violent behavior. Positive associations have also been found between perceived discrimination and negative behaviors in school (Wong et al., 2003), and self-reported delinquent behaviors (Burt et al., 2012) in African-American adolescents. Evidence indicates that racial discrimination is frequently subtle and often characterized by displays of unintentional behavior referred to as racial microaggression ( Sue, Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007). Examining the impact of these subtle forms of discrimination on academic self-efficacy and antisocial conduct during young adulthood is minimally addressed in the research literature. The term racial microaggression was first coined by Pierce in 1970 to refer to small acts of discrimination that are experienced frequently by people of color in their daily lives. Microaggression may occur interpersonally or environmentally ( Sue et al., 2007). In some cases, these acts are manifested by verbal or physical actions intended to inflict harm ( Sue et al., 2007). More often, however, acts of microaggression are viewed as subtle insults toward people of color that are automatic, nonverbal, and unintended in nature ( Solorzano et al., 2000 and Sue et al., 2007). Experts note that these types of subtle acts and perceptions of discrimination are harder to interpret and may cause more psychological distress than blatant forms of discrimination ( Noh et al., 2007 and Sue, 2010). Studies of microaggression have focused primarily on qualitative descriptions of people's personal experiences. In addition, much of the research on microaggression to date has examined ways in which microaggression impacts the experiences of people of color in the social systems in which they interact. For example, investigators have examined the manner in which educators and clinicians perpetrate microaggression against students or clients (Sue, 2010). Studies have also assessed the influence of microaggression on access to education and health services among people of color (Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, & Walters, 2011). Other investigations have noted that microaggression may lead to unsatisfactory work relationships (Constantine & Sue, 2007) and perceptions of hostility in school (Smith et al., 2007 and Solorzano et al., 2000). Furthermore, microaggressions found in classroom curricula, lowered academic expectations, and discounted opinions have been noted among African-American college students (Solorzano et al., 2000). In sum, empirical evidence indicates that perceived discrimination is a risk factor for physical and emotional health problems among people of color. Racial microaggression offers a powerful conceptualization for how perceived discrimination manifests itself in specific interpersonal and environmental acts in the daily lives of people of color. Therefore, racial microaggression may provide an important component in understanding the causal processes involved in the impacts of discrimination. 1.3.3. The influence of ethnic identity Ethnic identity is defined as that part of an individual's self-concept that comes from membership with a social group (or groups) combined with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership (Phinney, 1990 and Tajfel, 1981). Ethnic identity involves an exploration and cognitive development of one's identification as a group member. In addition, there are affective aspects of identity that involves the extent to which a person feels attachment and pride associated with that identification (Phinney, 1990). An individual's ethnic identity develops over the life course. The formation of ethnic identity has been described as a complex process that involves an ongoing exchange between a person's internal view of self and the external perceptions others possess about race and ethnicity (Nagel, 1994). Studies examining the development of identity during adolescence have suggested that transitions from middle school to high school are a time of increased commitment to ethnic identity (Altschul et al., 2006 and French and Chavez, 2010). The transition from adolescence to adulthood may also be an important period of ethnic identity formation. Studies indicate that many young adults strive to define and derive meaning from their ethnic identity during their 20s (Phinney, 1992). Existing evidence indicates that ethnic identity is positively related to coping skills, self-efficacy, self-esteem, and optimism and inversely related to loneliness, depression, and quality of life in adolescents and young adults (Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997; Roberts 1999; Umaña-Taylor and Updegraff, 2007 and Utsey et al., 2002). Although discussed far less in the literature, ethnic identity has also been found to be associated with both educational attainment (Ong, Phinney, & Dennis, 2006) and behavioral outcomes (Wong et al., 2003). One study conducted with large sample of adolescents found that a strong, positive connection to one's ethnic group reduced the magnitude of the negative relationships between racial discrimination and academic self-efficacy, educational achievement, and perception of friends' positive characteristics. Findings from this study revealed that ethnic identity also mediated the influence of racial discrimination experiences on subsequent involvement in problem behaviors (Wong et al., 2003). Overall, empirical evidence suggests that ethnic identity may be an important protective factor for educational attainment and behavioral outcomes yet more research is needed to understand the role of ethnic identity in young adult academic and behavioral outcomes 1.4. The current study This review suggests that relatively little is known about the way in which early risk and protective factors, exposure to discrimination, and levels of ethnic identity affect academic self-efficacy, substance use, and criminality during young adulthood. In the current study, we examine the influence of child and adolescent risk and protective factors, racial microaggression, and ethnic identity on academic self-efficacy, substance abuse, and criminal intentions in a sample of 409 young adults. The investigation seeks to inform current understanding of the impact of microaggression and ethnic identity on young adult outcomes in the context of the widely-used risk and resilience framework that is frequently used to explain academic and behavioral outcomes experienced by young adults. We apply structural equation modeling to a sample of young adult college students to answer two questions. First, we address the question of whether child and adolescent risk and protective factors have a significant impact on young adult outcomes of academic self-efficacy, substance abuse, and criminal intentions. We then address the question of whether perceived acts of racial microaggression and levels of ethnic identity during young adulthood affect these young adult outcomes after controlling for childhood risk and protective factors
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
5. Conclusion Young adulthood marks a challenging and evolving phase of human development. Findings from the current study point to the importance of understanding how early risk and protective factors, racial and ethnic microaggressive incidents, and ethnic identity affect behavior among young adults. Longitudinal studies with a variety of young adult samples are needed to better understand the interactive processes among risk, protection, discrimination, and ethnic identity. However, available evidence suggests that knowledge of early risk and protective factors, racial discrimination, and ethnic identity should be used to advance practice and policy efforts for young adult populations.