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|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|37514||2011||9 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||محاسبه نشده|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Cognition, Volume 119, Issue 1, April 2011, Pages 1–9
Abstract Do infants develop meaningful social preferences among novel individuals based on their social group membership? If so, do these social preferences depend on familiarity on any dimension, or on a more specific focus on particular kinds of categorical information? The present experiments use methods that have previously demonstrated infants’ social preferences based on language and accent, and test for infants’ and young children’s social preferences based on race. In Experiment 1, 10-month-old infants took toys equally from own- and other-race individuals. In Experiment 2, 2.5-year-old children gave toys equally to own- and other-race individuals. When shown the same stimuli in Experiment 3, 5-year-old children, in contrast, expressed explicit social preferences for own-race individuals. Social preferences based on race therefore emerge between 2.5 and 5 years of age and do not affect social choices in infancy. These data will be discussed in relation to prior research finding that infants’ social preferences do, however, rely on language: a useful predictor of group or coalition membership in both modern times and humans’ evolutionary past.
Introduction Adults’ social interactions with novel individuals are guided not only by the actions of those individuals, but also by the social categories to which they belong. Adults particularly attend to gender, race and age in evaluating people (Fiske, 1998), and their social judgments are influenced by others’ language and accent as well (Giles and Billings, 2004 and Gluszek and Dovidio, 2010). Research in developmental psychology suggests that category-based social preferences emerge early in development, and raises questions concerning the processes that produce these preferences. The present research attempts to shed light on the processes governing children’s social category-based preferences by assessing infants’ and young children’s social preferences based on race, in relation to prior work demonstrating young children’s preferences based on language and accent. On one theory, infants and children tend to prefer people whose properties are most familiar to them. Familiarity, in this case, is not limited to or defined by any particular domain. Indeed, human preferences for the familiar are observed for non-social stimuli such as line drawings, polygons or words, as well as for social stimuli such as faces (Bornstein, 1989, Harrison, 1969, Rhodes et al., 2001, Zajonc, 1968 and Zajonc, 2001). An early preference for the familiar might be adaptive given that entities that are familiar could, on average, be safer than the unknown. On a different theory, human social preferences might reflect preferences for and reasoning about social kinds (e.g., a naïve sociology that differs from reasoning about non-human kinds; Hirschfeld, 1996). These early preferences for human kinds might even originate in a more specific, evolved, sensitivity to information that distinguished between categories of people within and across social groups throughout our evolutionary history. Within a single social community, all societies in all times are composed of individuals of varying gender, age, and kinship relationships, and so these factors may be particularly psychologically prominent (Cosmides et al., 2003, Kurzban et al., 2001 and Lieberman et al., 2008). Throughout ancient times, patterns of cooperation and competition would have served as good predictors of coalitional group membership across different social groups, and young children attend to these factors today (Cosmides et al., 2003, Fehr et al., 2008, Olson and Spelke, 2008 and Rhodes et al., in press). Given the speed with which languages and accents evolve, and the apparent difficulty with which we learn a non-native accent as adults, language, too, may have served as a valid predictor of native group membership throughout our evolutionary history (Baker, 2001, Henrich and Henrich, 2007, McElreath et al., 2003 and Pietraszewski and Schwartz, 2007). Though race-based social categorization is certainly apparent in adults today, the aspects of visual appearance that distinguish members of different racial groups today were likely of little value in distinguishing members of neighboring coalitions in ancestral environments, prior to the onset of long-distance migration (Cosmides et al., 2003 and Kurzban et al., 2001). Thus, though race may be an indicator of coalition in many societies today, we likely did not evolve to see race per se as a marker of group membership, and infants and young children may not intuitively award social importance to racial group membership. Research with children provides some support both for the presence of early familiarity preferences, and also for young children’s more specific preferences for certain social categories. First, considering preferences for familiar social others more generally, young infants’ visual preferences for the faces of novel individuals have been linked to the familiarity of the face categories. Infants of African descent look longer at own-race (Black) faces than at other-race (White) face if they reside in Africa, in a community in which faces of their race predominate, but Ethiopian infants born in Israel look equally to Black and White faces (Bar-Haim, Ziv, Lamy, & Hodes, 2006; see also, Kelly et al., 2005). Moreover, infants look longer at female faces than male faces if their primary caretaker is female, but may not show this preference if their primary caretaker is male (Quinn, Yahr, Kuhn, Slater, & Pascalis, 2002; Ramsey-Rennels & Langlois, 2006); furthermore, 3-month-old infants display visual preferences based on gender only when tested with faces of a familiar race (Quinn et al., 2008). By preschool age, children often demonstrate social preferences for individuals of their own gender, race, and age (Aboud, 1988, Alexander and Hines, 1994, Baron and Banaji, 2006, French, 1984, Katz and Kofkin, 1997, Kircher and Furby, 1971, Kowalski and Lo, 2001 and Maccoby and Jacklin, 1987). Moreover, children’s preferences for the familiar may underlie the finding that in-group preferences based on race are stronger for majority-race children than for minority-race children (Cameron, Alvarez, Ruble, & Fuligni, 2001). Finally, 5–6 month-old infants look longer at the face of a person who had previously spoken in their native language with a native accent, relative to a second person who previously spoke in a foreign language or accent (Kinzler, Dupoux, & Spelke, 2007). Nevertheless, in each of the cases described above depicting infant research, it is not clear whether looking patterns in infancy are reflective of rich social preferences, or instead may reflect perceptual processing advantages, without any obligatory social meaning. Though children demonstrate preferences for the familiar based on multiple dimensions, children’s early social responses also reflect priorities in the importance they grant to different social categories (Kinzler, Shutts, & Correll, 2010). Children show social preferences for same-gender children by 2–3 years of age (e.g., Jacklin and Maccoby, 1978 and LaFreniere et al., 1984); nevertheless, race-based preferences do not reliably emerge until closer to 4 or 5 years of age (Abel and Sahinkaya, 1962, Aboud, 2003, Brown and Johnson, 1971, Kircher and Furby, 1971 and Stevenson and Stewart, 1958). In a recent study, Shutts, Banaji, and Spelke (2010) directly compared the influence of gender, race and age on 3-year-old children’s preferences for novel objects or activities that were endorsed by unfamiliar people who varied in gender, race and age. Gender and age, but not race, were robust guides to children’s choices. Similarly, 5-year-old children express beliefs that gender categories, but not race categories, are objectively and biologically determined (Rhodes & Gelman, 2009). Finally, though children demonstrate both native-accent and own-race preferences when each category is tested separately (Aboud, 1988 and Kinzler et al., 2007), when the two categories are put in conflict such that accent is pitted against race, children prefer native-accented other-race individuals to foreign-accented own-race individuals (Kinzler, Shutts, DeJesus, & Spelke, 2009). To tease apart the forces that drive children’s developing social preferences and potential priorities that emerge in children’s social categorization, it will be important to study the emergence of these preferences in younger infants. Do infants develop meaningful social preferences among novel individuals? If so, do these preferences depend on the relative familiarity of those individuals on any dimension, or do they depend on a more specific focus on particular kinds of categorical information? Recent research begins to address this question by focusing on infants’ social engagement with speakers of different languages and accents. In a series of studies, 10-month-old infants in the US and France were shown movies of a native French speaker and a native English speaker who spoke to the infant in alternation. Infants then were shown events in which the two speakers appeared together without speaking, held up two identical toys and, silently and in synchrony, offered the toys to the infant. Just at the moment at which the toys disappeared from view, two real toys appeared in front of the infant, giving the illusion that the toys came from the screen. Infants in the US reached for the toy offered by an English speaker rather than a French speaker, and infants in France reached for the toy offered by the French speaker, even though the toys were identical and were never paired on screen with the language (Kinzler et al., 2007). Prior to speaking themselves, therefore, infants chose to interact with a native speaker of their native language. Further research provides evidence that social preferences for native speakers persist in later childhood and guide even more explicit social decisions. In one study, 2.5-year-old children were shown the same displays of French and English speakers. The two speakers then appeared together silently, and children were given an opportunity to “give a present” to one of them. Children in both the US and France reliably chose the native speaker as the recipient of their gift (Kinzler, Dupoux, & Spelke, in press). In another study, 5-year-old children viewed still photographs of children and listened to samples of their speech, which varied either in language or in accent. Children were asked to choose one child as a friend. Their choices were reliably affected by the accent with which the other children spoke. Moreover, children’s friendship choices dissociated from their judgments of comprehensibility: although children understood a child who spoke their native language with a foreign accent, they nonetheless preferred to associate with a native-accented child (Kinzler et al., 2009). The above studies provide tools that can be used to probe the origins and nature of social categories, and find signatures of social preferences that go beyond measures of looking time in infancy. Beyond its potential evolutionary significance, language might be considered a particularly good candidate for eliciting social preferences early in development. From birth, infants prefer the sound of their native language to a foreign language, and discriminate two foreign languages if they cross a rhythmic boundary (Mehler et al., 1988, Nazzi et al., 1998 and Weikum et al., 2007). By 5 months of age, infants successfully discriminate two languages or dialects within the same rhythmic class, provided that one of the languages is their own (Bosch and Sebastián-Gallés, 1997 and Nazzi et al., 2000). Beyond the literal communication it provides, spoken language also offers information about individuals’ nationality, regional membership, ethnic group, and social status or class (Gluszek & Dovidio, 2010; Labov, 2006). Indeed, adults use the language and accent of individuals that they have never met to infer not just the origins of those individuals, but also their intelligence, warmth, and even height (see Giles and Billings (2004) for a review). Language, however, is not alone in marking social groups in modern times. Language and race are similar in dividing the human social world into groups with high intra-group and low inter-group contact. Both categories elicit looking preferences for the familiar in infants (Bar-Haim et al., 2006, Kelly et al., 2005 and Kinzler et al., 2007), and within the first year of life infants evidence better face recognition of familiar compared to unfamiliar-race faces (Kelly et al., 2007 and Sangrigoli and de Schonen, 2004). By the end of the preschool years, children reliably express race-based social preferences and inferences (e.g., Aboud, 1988, Baron and Banaji, 2006 and Cameron et al., 2001). And, research from social psychology has provided manifest evidence of fast, automatic, and effortless encoding of race as part of person perception in adulthood, with myriad cognitive and social consequences (e.g., Dovidio et al., 2002, Hodson et al., 2002, Ito and Urland, 2003, Macrae and Bodenhausen, 2000, Meissner and Brigham, 2001 and Pettigrew and Meertens, 1995). Thus, if the development of social preferences stems from differences observed in any dimension of social familiarity that infants can perceptually discriminate, or from social group distinctions that are marked in adulthood in modern times, then majority-race infants and young children should show social preferences based not only on language, but also on race. In contrast, if infants’ earliest social preferences rely in part on attention to factors that distinguished groups throughout evolutionary history, then infants may not award the same social importance to race as they do language. In the present research, we borrow methods previously used to test social preferences based on language, and employ them to test for early social preferences based on race. Three measures that previously revealed infants’ and children’s social preferences based on language were used to test the emergence of race-based social preferences throughout early childhood: toy choices at 10 months (Kinzler et al., 2007), toy giving at 2.5 years (Kinzler et al., in press), and explicit judgments at 5 years (Kinzler et al., 2009). In all three of the studies presented here, children were shown the same videotaped events involving one Black and one White female who smiled and, in some conditions, spoke with the child’s native language and accent. The present studies tested the race-based social preferences only of majority-race, White infants. We did not test minority-race infants, because the familiarity theory of social preferences makes no clear predictions concerning the preferences of such infants, for whom faces of both races are likely to be highly familiar (Bar-Haim et al., 2006; see also Aboud & Skerry, 1984). Moreover, although past research has shown preferences for native language speakers in infants for whom the native language is also the country’s predominant language (e.g. English in the US and French in France), we do not know if the same preferences would be shown by infants whose families speak a minority language. To maximize the similarity of the present tests of race preferences to previous tests of language preferences, therefore, we focused only on infants of the majority-race (White) in their communities. Experiment 1 presented White 10-month-old infants with an interactive “toy choice” in which toys were offered to infants by individuals who were either their own race (White), or another race (Black), and infants’ choices were measured. Experiment 2 used the same displays to test 2.5-year-old children’s selective giving of toys to own-race vs. other-race individuals. Experiment 3 presented White 5-year-old children with the same test displays as shown to infants and toddlers, and assessed children’s explicit social preferences towards own- and other-race individuals.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی