نگرش های ترک تحصیلی اولیه نسبت به آنلاین خودارائه گری و مشارکت آشکار
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|38986||2015||14 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||14283 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Computers in Human Behavior, Volume 49, August 2015, Pages 171–184
Abstract Active participation in economic and social settings increasingly demands social–communicative skills, i.e., interactive and interpersonal skills, as well as the networking skills to access and use resources provided by online social networks. The development of these skills both depends upon and determines the proficient and strategic use of social media and explicit participation in different types of formal or informal networks and communities. Low-educated early school leavers typically lack the access, awareness and attitude required to develop these skills, suggesting a widening digital divide or participation gap. This study presents results regarding low-educated early school leavers’ attitudes towards social media and social networks as a factor that can influence the conditions and opportunities that determine or enhance their economic and social mobility and improvement. The data were analyzed by means of 12 cases. Looking beneath the surface of a complex compound problem involving cultural, social and attitudinal factors, we found signs of ambivalence or even conflict in attitudes, stemming from personal doubts and insecurities or contextual fears and restraints. These attitudinal thresholds should be overcome by aiding and supporting these young people as much as possible in gaining leverage in the online world of ‘haves and have nots’.
Introduction The massive uptake of the internet and social media by young people and participation in online networks in order to find and express one’s voice, form friendships and socialize and participate in social and cultural settings of exchange and construction can be seen as a reaction to demands and successive expectations with regard to the self, due to modernization. Modernization can be characterized as a process of increasing interconnection between globalizing influences and the human condition. This human condition encompasses life course transitions in both everyday private life and career life and extends from social to economic participation. An individual nowadays can and sometimes needs to shift from one social position to another (Bauman, 2000), constitutively altering his or her personal dispositions and preferences (Giddens, 1991) in moving from one pragmatic regime to another (Thévenot, 2001) as a result of this interconnectedness. Social order arises from the sharing of pragmatic regimes. Pragmatic regimes signal the human desire for certainty, i.e. the agreement on action and adjustment of resources to action. These regimes are characterized by ‘investments of form’. The notion of ‘form’ refers to the relationship between objects, e.g., modern technology, upon which actors rely and the role of these objects in the co-ordination of actions. The emergence of ‘form’ depends on the human investment in coordinated actions that shape the world by forging likeness, contribute to homogenization across contexts and help maintain a certain level of generality (Thévenot, 2001). Modernization comes with heightened self-responsibility, as this depiction of contemporary society brings with it an individualization hypothesis specific to our late modern era. The hypothesis is that the significance and role of traditional socioeconomic factors, pathways and choices concerning life-style and life-course, have weakened due to the eroding influence of public institutions, and the values, believes and norms they represent (Houtman, 2004). The ‘late modern’ human condition is furthermore characterized by the constant reflexive reform of social practice (Giddens, 1991) and restructuring of public space (Wellman, 2001 and Wittel, 2001). Choices and successive pathways are no longer linear and irreversible, and forward planning must be backed up constantly by contingency plans (Stauber & Walther, 2006). 1.1. Modern youth’s responsibility: a turn for interactivity and reflexivity The human condition previously discussed requires a certain agency on the part of modern youth in order to cope with social and economic transitions. Pohl, Stauber and Walther conceptualize the agency of modern youth in the context of social change, e.g., transitions to adulthood and work, and define it as: the capacity of an individual to act, (…), while action refers to a single activity influenced or resulting from agentic processes (2007, p. 7). In order to stress the interactionist and dynamic character of the concept, they speak of ‘agency within structure’, with subjective motivation as the central aspect of the relation between individual agency and social structure. They see learning and culture as key intermediate dimensions of agency, which can involve altering one’s personal disposition in a reaction to or in anticipation of circumstances, shifting one’s social position, and subsequently reforming one’s social practices (Pohl, Stauber, & Walther, 2007). Learning, i.e., the agentic process of internalization and understanding of experience, is characterized as non-formal, experiential and explorative. This conceptualization of learning indicates the ‘reflexivity’ through which individuals internalize experiences in informal, social and cultural contexts and transform these experiences into practical skills, thereby laying the groundwork for future action. Culture, i.e. the agentic process of negotiation, development and sharing of practice, is characterized as a dynamic system of both meaning and a repertoire of actions through which individuals share values, principles and norms. This conceptualization of culture indicates the ‘interactivity’ through which individuals individually and collectively express, interpret, contest, negotiate, understand and share the meanings of different choices and practices, thereby outlining the playing field of structures or social formations, such as relations, networks and communities, that agents act within and upon (Pohl et al., 2007). The highly reflexive and interactive shifting and shaping in everyday situations and transitions exemplify what can be seen as ‘dilemmas of the self’ (Giddens, 1991). These dilemmas are often related to either a demand imposed by structural limitations or contextual constraints, or a desire to exert free will on the part of the human agent. Active participation of the self in social and economic transitions resulting from change, e.g., late modern de-standardization of pathways, or resulting in change, e.g., collectively agreed-upon practice and patterns, becomes increasingly decisive for young people when tackling issues concerning sociability and employability (Stauber & Walther, 2006). Activation policies devised on the basis of the individualization hypothesis should acknowledge the disengagement of modern youth with formal support, the regular transition system and its regulators, should recognize informal learning and informal support as complementary and should fully integrate subjective factors related to motivational change (Walther, Stauber, & Pohl, 2005). 1.2. Early school leavers: conditions that affect disengagement Early school leavers (ESL) are a group that accounts for a large share of disengaged low-educated youth in the Netherlands. In this section we focus on a sub-category, labeled as ‘quitters’, and present data and research on ESL in order to describe early signs of disengagement. Reducing youth unemployment is an important goal of Dutch youth policy. These efforts are combined with a specific educational policy that aims to decrease the annual number of ESL, because an impressive number of students still drop out of school on a yearly basis. Dutch youth are identified and officially labeled as ESL when they leave school without a basic qualification and are 12–23 years old. A basic qualification is a degree or qualification at a senior general secondary, pre-university, or level-2 secondary vocational level. Holders of a basic qualification are capable of carrying out relatively complex routines and standard procedures within their own field of work. ESL makes up a substantial portion of the low-educated youth in the Netherlands. Low educated are defined as persons whose highest level of education is primary education, a lower level of preparatory vocational education (vmbo) or secondary vocational education (mbo), up to and including basic qualification at level 2 (Statistics Netherlands). Dutch ESL are categorized as either classic ‘at-risk youth’ or ‘quitters’. Quitters are students who typically drop out of school because of their disengagement with school (Eimers & Bekhuis, 2006). A significant number of Dutch ESL, ranging on average between 25% and 50%, are defined as ‘quitters’ (Meng, Coenen, Ramaekers, & Büchner, 2009). Current Dutch ESL policy consists of two different approaches or sets of measures, guided by two alternative perspectives: prevention and cure. The vision is straightforward, directing all efforts to students’ attainment of a basic qualification, as leaving school without a basic qualification is a known predictor for unemployment, poverty and even social exclusion (Eimers & Verhoef, 2004) and combating inactivity and unemployment requires mandatory participation (Eichhorst & Konle-Seidl, 2008). The principal focus lies on prevention, meaning that schools are responsible for effective implementation of a range of interventions and held accountable for the final results. So-called curative measures are limited to offering ESL work-study placements. A work-study placement is meant to then enable them to obtain a basic qualification. An additional legislative measure nudges towards self-responsibility by forcing ELS who apply for welfare to accept a work-study placement. Curative measures are called compensation measures in the European policy context (European Commission, 2011). Recent data show an interesting development over the period 2007–2011. The relative share of ESL in the 18–22 age group grew from 85% to almost 95%; of this 95%, almost 60% are 18–19 years old (School Drop-out Explorer). The School Drop-out explorer is a web-based, interactive tool that works with quantitative and qualitative data on school dropouts at national, regional, local and school level. A recently published ESL factsheet (ROA, 2013), drafted in 2012 and surveying more than 2000 young people who left school in the 2010/11 academic year, shows that school-related factors associated with drop-out behavior are linked with an increase in the proportion of quitters, from 41% to 51%, over a period of three years. These data imply that schools’ preventive measures to tackle disengagement have not been successful. Reported drop-out reasons might even imply that schools’ efforts are mainly directed at classic at-risk youth rather than quitters. A majority of ESL (80%) report they discussed their decision but still 42% claim that no one tried to stop them from leaving school prematurely. The factsheet also labels 27% of the ESL as ‘inactive’, meaning they are not in school, not working and not looking for work. ‘Inactive’ youth are called ‘Not in Education, Employment or Training ‘(NEET) in the European policy context. Being inactive means these youth are essentially under the radar and therefore not in reach of public services. This indicates that additional attention and effort in the form of alternative measures should be addressed to 18–19 year old quitters.
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
4. Results The focus groups with young people revealed a strong sense of self-responsibility on the part of the participants when it comes to facing their future. The way these young people respond and also react to each other makes it clear that many of them have experienced harsh life lessons. These lessons have shaped their attitudes and ways of thinking. Although in each of their tracks, these young people are organized in small groups to work with guidance on their personal development, the participants in our study make little use of the possibilities for building or enhancing relationships and interacting in social processes online. Their focus stays mainly on the personal, individual level, each coping with his or her problems and finding ways to cope with or anticipate future situations, make proper and informed choices and learn how to ‘plan their life course’. In the following section we use the codes Q1 to Q4 in order to indicate the relation between the findings and our research questions. When using quotes from the transcripts, the participants are identified by the first letter of their first name, their age and gender. We then go into the results of the cross-case analysis to describe similarities, differences and patterns that were detected in relation to our questions. 4.1. Social media use All participants see the growing use of social media around them and accept it as being normal, an almost inescapable necessity and a partly imposed but generally welcomed commonality in modern life. They all use social media in some way or another, with differing intensity and frequency. They show little signs of experimenting or tinkering with it, and use it mainly for leisure purposes such as playing games or keeping in touch with relatives and friends. Q1 “But it’s also like, if someone else doesn’t have internet, then people say something like “Hey, don’t you have Hyves∗?” It’s become that normal to be on the internet.” A (15 y-old female) ∗ Hyves is the Dutch equivalent of Facebook Q1 & 3 “Yes, you will have to learn to use it, because nowadays everything around you somehow involves computers. Just take a look at the train station, computers all over the place. There are computers everywhere and if you don’t own a computer, you’re nothing in this country so to speak. Then you’ve got nothing. When I look at my mother for example, she makes appointments through MSN, that’s all quite normal these days. You don’t call anymore, you just use MSN, because it’s not so expensive, and you just keep on talking.” F (17 y-old male) Table options 4.2. Selective self-presentation The participants are barely aware of and speak little about the possibility of using social media to benefit their own development and the development of a private and occupational network. These young people can give few or no examples of social and/or strategic internet use in their private environment, including by parents and siblings. They are more likely to regard the use of social media for occupational purposes as being unprofessional, for example, with respect to applying for a job, making appointments, and so on. Q2 “Yes, a portfolio could be a good idea, but … when making appointments with school or work, then I would just call or drop in. I think it’s quite unprofessional when you make an appointment through MSN or whatever.”H (18 y-old male) Q1, 2 & 4 “… you’d best go there in person, take your school diploma with you, and go where you’d want to work, so people can ask you questions. If you’d only make a video, for example about a bike you have fixed, well. It could be my aunt’s bike or the girl next door. You see what I’m getting at? You can fake anything nowadays.” F (17 y-old male) Table options 4.3. Network sociality Most young people regard their own environment (family or friends) as their ‘secure’ base for the future. However, a few who are not on speaking terms with their parents and/or relatives use the internet socially, but try to keep this hidden from their parents. Expanding their personal circle of trusted people online does not happen spontaneously or deliberately. Internet and social media are mainly used to play and connect with existing friends. Only a few of the participants refer to the internet as a place for seeking and retrieving information. Q2 “You know what’s easy? Suppose I want to ask someone something, or want to arrange something. I could call this person, but also send him a message through Hyves, that’s free. That’s another advantage. Or I’ll find an answer through someone else.” R (17 y-old male) Q2 “Yes, but if I want to find out something or so.” D (16 y-old female) Table options Most participants show a high degree of distrust when it comes to profiling themselves virtually on the Internet. First of all, they question their own strong points that could be used for self-presentation. They feel they have nothing personally worthy of presenting online on their behalf that they could possibly benefit from. Some admit that it might take some time and future success to feel secure enough to present and promote their own personality and strong points online. Q1 “Yes, I can’t, I don’t want to, yes I’d rather not, if I can only report about my failures. (…) If I would have my degree, and would have done a lot of things, than I would want it.” D (20 y-old female) Q1 & 4 “Yes, … , I just wouldn’t do it through the internet and I wouldn’t build some site; if they want to get to know me, they will just have to phone me and then I’ll go there personally. That’s it.” H (18 y-old male) Q1 & 4 I would want to do it, if I would have a lot to be proud of, done a lot of things to be proud of in school. Then I would want to do it. But here you could put things online and then, after say three years of doing nothing, and then trying yet another programme and screwing it up again, that wouldn’t look good at all.” K (19 y-old female) Table options Enhancing their group interaction through online activities, for example by using MSN, Twitter or other kinds of messaging is regarded and appreciated quite differently among the participants, ranging from positive to negative reactions, Q1 & 2 “Now that’s not what I would want, spare time is spare time … But that’s not what I would want; I’m not such an avid internet user.” K (21 y-old female) Q1 & 2 “I think that it could work; it’s kind of nice.” R (17 y-old male) Table options Establishing relationships with others requires a certain amount of trust, which in turn depends on ideas and perceptions about reciprocity. Trust has been found to exert a stronger effect on social participation than the other way around (Huang, Maassen van den Brink, & Groot, 2009). In new social or occupational contexts, the participants indicate that they mostly tend to be cautious and reserved, trying to figure out which way the wind is blowing to determine the contextual conventions before they adopt an appropriate attitude and undertake any kind of appropriate action. They furthermore question the genuineness and authenticity of what is happening on the internet and the motives of other internet users. Q2 “You just wait and see, they’re going to use this site for strange things, they always do. Because on Hyves, you get these strange messages and ads and stuff, so uhm …” K (19 y-old female) Table options They either indicate that people on the internet digitally enhance their pictures to make a better impression through their profile or they remark that it would probably be wiser better not to go online publicly, for example, because of visible tattoos and the effect these have on others. Some even refuse to use internet in social life other than the rapid exchange of text messages and the like with trusted friends and relatives. They also distrust social networks as safe environments for personal information that cannot be tampered with or they view these environments as too transparent, so people, like their own relatives, could trace information that is not meant for their eyes. Q2 “And if you think, yeah shit, that́s not meant for everybody to know, you know, but on Hyves a lot of people can read everything or on Twitter, yoúll have to keep that in mind I guess. (…) But theréll still be things online that shouldńt be.” D (16 y-old female) Q2 “There’s always a catch. (…) But on the internet everybody can see it, even people whom you don’t want it to see.” A (15 y-old female) Table options New relationships are preferably established in the physical world, through face-to-face contact, where people can look each other in the eyes and not fake interest or genuineness. 4.4. Explicit participation With regard to actively participating in the construction of online materials, the participants either question their own ‘technical’ abilities, showing a lack of self-efficacy, or they doubt the professional quality of ‘user-generated content’. Q3 & 4 “… we could be making this video, but would it be considered serious? (…) if I would see some kind of video by two guys talking about school, I would be like ‘Yeah duh!” S (17 y-old male) Table options None of the participants has any remarks about the possibility of appropriating the technology. Even when the topic of data security comes up, only one of them suggests the possibility of setting features that ensure data security. The discussion on data security indicates that they have no idea about appropriating technology and seem to take technology for granted.None of the participants is actively engaged in online content production. One of them, for example, indicates that it is too time consuming to get involved in content production even for such purposes as profiling oneself online. Q1, 3 & 4 “Yes, if it takes more than just a photo, I quit.” H (18 y-old male) Table options They prefer the involvement of professionals with regard to media production, but are willing to participate in the production process as attendants who are interviewed. Q3 & 4 “… then it would be something like an adult talking to youth, and I like watching this, because adults are considered more professional …” S (17 y-old male) Table options They believe in the effect online messages on network sites like Twitter, Facebook or Hyves could have on family and relatives who are misinformed or biased by their own ill-informed opinions. So they would like to get the message across. However, some of them doubt the impact of these messages on the school teachers for whom these messages might also be intended. They regard school teachers as being traditional, stubborn and not quite open to this kind of communication. 4.4.1. Cross-case findings In the section below, the findings from the axial coding are categorized along the lines of the four research questions. [Q1] What is the attitude of low-educated early school leavers towards online self-presentation and explicit participation in social networks? For all of them, online networks are a place where personal experiences, thoughts and feelings can be shared through messages and pictures. Most participants take a rather straightforward attitude towards social media, either conditioned by the implicit demands of using ubiquitous technology, for example, driven by the need to do electronic banking, or the more explicit and obvious consequences of its use, for example, structured by the convenience and comfort of online shopping. Only a few of them are currently engaged in gaming, although most of them have once been. Whenever gaming comes up, it concerns multiplayer games in which online communication and collaboration are pivotal. Although some participants have noticed that younger kids from their own social background have learned from ‘being on the computer’—for example, learning English informally through gaming—they do not indicate that social networks can be a learning resource. Only two participants explicitly indicated that the internet or social networks can be seen and used as a source of information or support. [Q2] What is their perception with regard to risks and opportunities of social media use? All of the participants seem to understand and repeatedly refer to the potential risks and dangers of social media use in the context of daily life. The risks they refer to are the possible misuse or abuse of online personal information by strangers, the abuse of online personal information by known contacts as in cyber-bullying, for example, in a personal quarrel or feud, and the possible negative effects on others, mainly in a professional context, when personal information disclosed online could harm one’s public image. All participants take technology ‘as is’ or for granted, and do not indicate that they consider technology as something that can be appropriated for personal purposes or can do anything more than substitute what is traditionally used for communication and interaction purposes in the off-line world. There is no mention of negotiating social media use in terms of the ‘do’s and don’ts’ in the sense of collectively appropriating and deliberately establishing ‘rules of conduct’. The only options and features that are mentioned are the possibilities of ‘pimping’ one’s online profile in terms of a photograph or more cosmetic options such as setting a background photo or color. A few of them indicate that appropriation would have to be rather simple before they would consider using and tweaking certain technological features and invest any time in the process. This came up when asked, for example, about the possibility of viewing an online network account as a portfolio. [Q3] What is their attitude with regard to social change and improvement through online participation? Only a few participants reflect consciously on contextual social constraints, indicating that social rules and conventions common to their off-line world possibly apply to the online world as well. For example, some of them perceive online contexts as not inherently social, authentic or life-like but as consisting of mere data. There is also the impression that technology-mediated contexts and messages may intentionally evoke and condition certain behavior, or that certain behaviors, such as constant contact, are seen as socially inappropriate. Acting more strategically when this is triggered by the online contexts in order to achieve certain intended or desired effects mainly concerns ‘shutting down’, either in case of overexposure or to avoid meaningless trivia. This type of behavior indicates an apparent lack of established ‘rules of engagement’ for the online world. Some of the participants face the tension of having a positive attitude towards social media but being confronted with negative, demeaning attitudes, for example, by parents or adults who forbid the use of a social media and networks. Some feel both positive and negative, as they value the way online interaction and contacts can brighten up everyday life, which can be a bore or a drag, but yet experience anxiety about the threats of misuse of one’s personal data by strangers or even by known contacts, or the fear of missing out and fatiguing effects of extended social media use in terms of overexposure. Other participants who are not regularly confronted with negativity sometimes still feel the internal tension and conflict induced by either insecurity regarding their own personal skills and competences or insecurity about the expected lack of positive social recognition in the outside, adult world. [Q4] What is their attitude with regard to economic change and improvement through online participation? None of them mentions possibilities of strategic social media use for professional or occupational goals. None of them has even heard of such possibilities or has been taught in any way about the influence of social media in professional life, for example, with regard to online collaboration, recruitment, job applications and so on. On the basis of the cross-case analysis of the 12 case reports, we distinguish three separate types of attitude regarding social media use in general and when it comes to the social and economic context in particular, which are presented and described in Table 3, Table 4 and Table 5. However, this distinction is not strict or mutually exclusive, because an individual participant can show aspects of more than one type of attitude depending on contextual differences. For example, most participants relate social media and networks, if valued and used, solely to their social position and context and not to their economic context and position. Even within contexts, as in the closer-tied personal context of family and friends, the attitude of an individual participant can differ. These somewhat ambivalent and sometimes conflicting attitudes of participants towards social media use denote certain tensions which point to signs of internal conflict, induced by insecurity, fear and a lack of self-efficacy, or by contextual constraints and circumstances. Table 3. Negative attitude. Do not allow or want social media to be a part of their social life Do not value technology as being social Consider social media and social networks as mere computer data Do not want to invest in social media use considering the doubtful return Think that any use of technology should not take too much time or be mentally demanding and consider it rather a necessary evil Do not see a role for social media in professional life; still prefer traditional ‘old school’ media for communication in a professional context, for example, when making appointments or applying for a job Table options Table 4. Neutral attitude. Consider social media as an integral part of social life but do not contemplate or reflect on the use of it See it as a natural extension of face-to-face interaction on a regular, day-to-day basis, with relatives and friends Understand the risks of using it (privacy, security) but do not negotiate its meaning or appropriate its use; consider it technology whose purpose merely is ‘what it does’ Do not conceive it as something that enhances opportunities or instills power in the user Take it for granted and turn it off, in case of any annoyance or fatigue as a result of the use of social media by others or excessive use by themselves See it as a part of a larger ‘set’ of social technology that is infiltrating human life, such as technology that is used for transactions (electronic banking, online shopping, et cetera) substituting for traditional forms of communication, transaction, and interaction, and hence do not see it as something that specifically characterizes a certain generation Would not want to use social media in the dual track they are in, limiting it solely to their private life and not wanting to connect their private life with the track Did not remark on what is called ‘absent presence’, meaning that people who are physically in the same room are still absent because of the use of social media, which could be considered socially inappropriate Most admit to having defriended many of their former contacts since their early internet use at a younger age Table options Table 5. Positive attitude. Embrace social media as an enrichment of daily social life and see it as something that adds value as it opens up opportunities for keeping in touch with distant friends and relatives or maintaining a larger network that cannot be maintained on a face-to-face basis Do not, however, use it to create new friends or connections but only to connect to and engage with people online who are already acquaintances in the off-line, face-to-face world Would value the use of social media to promote the track they are in (as an example) and acknowledge the usefulness of such an action Do not see it as something they should do on an individual basis Doubt the social and public recognition this kind of action would receive if not undertaken on a professional basis Would like to tell their story ‘on camera’ but would also prefer a professional cameraman and interviewer to make the video Seem to think and imagine that appropriate media use requires some kind of old school professionalism Table options Whenever the axial coding process indicated reported contextual constraints or tensions, the possibility of conflicting attitudes increased. For example, some participants see it as normal to engage online with friends, but yet consider it to be ‘dangerous’, ‘unwise’ or ‘not done’ because their parents have strictly forbidden it. This conflict also points to situations and contexts in which the dismay of parents or teachers with regard to internet use possibly stems from the socially-laden disapproval of any extended, leisure and frivolous use of the internet, especially by those who have failed themselves and society (Livingstone & Helsper, 2007).