تربیت والدین در ارتباط با فرزند و رشد شغلی نوجوانان

Processes of child and adolescent vocational development include acquisition of knowledge, beliefs, and values about work options and requirements, exploration of interests that will be relevant for occupational interest development, development of academic aspirations, self-efficacy, expectations, and attainment. These elements serve to provide preparation for entry into a range of occupations and provide for the establishment of vocational aspirations, occupational self-efficacy, expectations, planning, and attainment. Parenting occurs within a family context influenced by a myriad of factors, including availability of financial capital, human capital, social capital, child agency, work-family interfacing, family roles, family structure, and the historical conditions affecting parents. These family contextual factors promote our understanding of differences in parenting in relation to child and adolescent vocational development. Far more complex than specific steps to entering the labor market per se, child and adolescent vocational development includes the interfacing of parenting and developmental processes.

1.1. Relevance of parenting in vocational development Researchers of vocational behavior have been increasingly taking a life-span perspective, highlighting how vocational development begins before adolescence, and forcefully making the case for increasing our understanding of this phenomenon (Hartung, Porfeli, & Vondracek, 2005). It has already been recognized that the linkage of child development to vocational development has been neglected (Hartung et al., 2005 and Vondracek, 2001). We know even less about the role of parents in child and adolescent vocational development despite evidence indicating that parents appear to be a stronger influence on children’s vocational development than school or peers (Hartung et al., 2005 and Schulenberg et al., 1984). Both interests and competence, found to reciprocally influence each other (Tracey, 2002), have been central concepts in the study of vocational choices and satisfaction (Savickas, 1999a and Tracey, 2002). Thus, we review the existing developmental literature that bears on parenting and the development of interests, competence and other related aspects of vocational development such as knowledge about adult work and academic matters that are linked to vocational aspirations, self-efficacy, expectations, and attainment. For the purpose of this review we did not put any lower limit on age in our definition of childhood, but most relevant literature of childhood, with the exception of research on attachment, was of middle childhood (i.e., elementary school age children). With respect to adolescence, we considered the junior and senior high school years plus undergraduate education years when youth are typically dependent on parental resources. In this review, “late adolescence” refers to college students. In sum, we have used a functional, developmental definition of adolescence rather than an age or biological definition. Because of the relative scarcity of literature focused on parenting in relation to child and adolescent vocational development, we allowed for this kind of flexible definition of childhood and adolescence. Although researchers who study and theorize about vocational development typically have focused, until recently, on the adolescent and young adult years (e.g., Jackson and Hornbeck, 1989, Super, 1980 and Vondracek and Porfeli, 2003), vocational development is a complex of developmental processes which begin in childhood (e.g., Caspi et al., 1998, Cook et al., 1996, Goldstein and Oldham, 1979, Hartung et al., 2005, McGee and Stockard, 1991, Seligman et al., 1991, Tracey, 2002, Trice, 1990 and Vondracek, 2001). Caspi et al. (1998) documented the relevance of the parents during childhood for the study of successful entry into the labor market in young adulthood, highlighting, within the literature, the relevance of parents in vocational development. The purpose of this review is to assess and conceptualize our understanding to date of parental factors that operate in childhood and adolescence to influence vocational development. What aspects of parenting help children: (1) to discover their abilities and interests that will be useful in choosing satisfying jobs; (2) to select and ultimately pursue particular occupations; (3) to achieve work self-efficacy; and (4) to benefit from strong work attainment? These questions are all aspects of vocational development, a complicated and multifaceted process that builds on achievement and aspirations in the academic domain and extends throughout adolescence and adulthood to work settings. Vocational development includes acquiring knowledge about the types and requirements of different types of jobs, the exploration of occupational interests and self-knowledge, the establishment of particular career aspirations, the formation of plans to achieve those aspirations, and the belief of work self-efficacy. As a result of this review of the literature, we have generated a model for understanding parenting in relation to child and adolescent vocational development (see Fig. 1). In particular, we consider parental transmission of knowledge about adult work, parental involvement with their children, parental aspirations and expectations pertaining to both the academic and occupational futures of their children, parental socio-economic status, and parental accessibility to their children. Another reason why we focus on parents is because many adolescents themselves hold the view that parents have a responsibility for their vocational development (Farnill, 1986), and, thus, expect parental influence, and we suspect solicit parental influence, on their vocational development. It is our hope that the conceptual framework depicted in Fig. 1 succeeds as a heuristic for designing future longitudinal studies of vocational development that include parenting factors in relation to childhood and adolescent developmental processes central to vocational development. We have organized this review around three proposed domains of development that form the core of vocational development during childhood and adolescence: (a) the development of occupational knowledge, beliefs, and values; (b) the development of exploratory processes in relation to interest development; and (c) the development of academic and vocational aspirations, self-efficacy, expectations, plus academic attainment. This “core” of vocational development is consistent with the five core constructs (career exploration, career awareness, vocational expectations and aspirations, vocational interests, and career maturity/adaptability) established by Hartung et al. (2005). Throughout this review, our focus will remain tied to how parental factors influence these processes. In maintaining this focus, we do not cover topics such as the roles of educational programming (e.g., Leventhal et al., 2001 and Linnehan, 2001), peer experiences and behavioral adjustment (e.g., Hill et al., 2004 and Zhou, 1997), and actual youth work experiences (e.g., Bryant et al., 2004, Bryant, in press and Steinberg and Avenevoli, 1998) in shaping trajectories of vocational development. These are undoubtedly important influences on vocational development, but they fall outside our more circumscribed focus on the influence of parents. 1.2. Relevance of family context and its complexity in relation to parenting Parenting does not occur in a unidirectional manner, but rather, parenting occurs as a part of a larger multilayered system of daily life, and we call this system of influences “family context.” We have placed this set of factors comprising family context at the bottom of the figure to indicate that the family context is relevant throughout development, and that parenting and child development interact with family context matters on an ongoing basis. In this model, parenting in relation to child development begins within the family context and factors of family context evolve. Parents influence children within a system of influences that also includes the influence of children on parents (Kuczynski, Lollis, & Koguchi, 2003). We know that parents do not act in a void, but, rather, in part, respond to child behavior as do children respond to parent behavior (Bell, 1968, Fiese and Sameroff, 1989 and Ge et al., 1996). Children bring genetic predispositions for behavior and parents can and do respond to their children’s behavior (Ge et al., 1996). When a child demonstrates high academic achievement, parental aspirations for their child will be enhanced, and the degree to which parents nurture these talents affects the academic outcomes (Feldman & Piirto, 2002), thereby affecting vocational outcomes. At its best, parents and children interact in synchrony with each other. The context in which parenting occurs also provides recognition that there are assets from which parents can draw and constraints to which parents must react. Using Coleman’s (1988) conceptualization, there are issues of financial capital, human capital, and social capital that are used and developed by the family members through which parenting occurs. Financial capital is wealth or income and what money can buy. Human capital consists of skills and capabilities that parents can parlay into parental beliefs of self-efficacy to help their children master skills needed for future vocational success. Social capital is defined by function within social structures between two or more individuals. The functions include providing obligations, expectations, and trustworthiness, information channels, norms and effective sanctions. In the present discussion, the social capital of a family includes parents’ and children’s social capital in social structures both within the family (i.e., nuclear and extended) and outside the family (e.g., parental friends and work associates) that bear on opportunities for enhancing the development of children. Parents develop social capital with their children and vice versa that represents, at its best, mutual trust, felt obligations, and expectations of the other (i.e., child or parent). Social capital in relation to child development commonly includes “presence of two parents in a child’s home, extended family support, maternal support, number of children in the family, neighborhood support, and church attendance” (Earls & Carlson, 2001). The family context is a complex arena of daily life, and we will allude to the role of family context factors throughout the paper. While most research in this review was designed in a unidirectional format, we will seek to contextualize the parenting to reflect the multiple influences on parents. The family is a system in which family roles are negotiated. One important factor influencing roles and parenting can be traced to the interfacing of work and family (Parke, 2004). There have been two major types of linkages between family and work (Crouter, 1994). First, there has been one type of linkage where focus is on viewing the emotional toll parents experience at work, which, in turn, carries over to the kind of roles parents assume at home (Crouter, Maguire, Helms-Erikson, & McHale, 1999) and affects their parenting behavior (Stewart & Barling, 1996). For example, Crouter, Perry-Jenkins, Huston, and Crawford (1989) reported that parents who experienced considerable work pressure felt role overload at home and had more conflict with their adolescent children. Thus, they lost social capital with their children as a result of the carryover effect of a stressful work environment. The second type of linkage focuses on the skills and attitudes that parents garner at work and then carry over to home, affecting their behavior as parents. For example, Greenberger, O’Neil, and Nagel (1994) documented that those fathers with greater job complexity and autonomy at work showed more warmth toward their children and offered more verbal explanations to them also. Also relevant to the interfacing of work and family in relation to parenting are issues regarding family structure (e.g., dual versus single parent families) and work status of parents (e.g., dual earner versus single earner families) (Crouter & McHale, 1993). How a family system functions influences both the access children have to family members, both by choice and availability, and the emotional tone among family members in which the parent–child relationship occurs (Parke, 2004). The historical context in which family interactions occur can influence roles assumed and how parents contribute to the socialization of children’s vocational development. We assume these historical influences affect parental investment in their children’s vocational development, but like other aspects of the family context, we need research designs that incorporate these factors. Workforce conditions are a matter of historical significance. Since the 1970s, women’s participation in the workforce has increased enormously and this fact has transformed parental roles for many (Paquette, 2004). Fathers and mothers in dual parent, dual earner households tend to share in providing emotional support to their children as well as in monitoring and disciplining their children (Hoff, Laursen, & Tardif, 2002). Historic, adverse economic conditions have also received some empirical attention, and adverse economic conditions appear to influence family functioning and parenting (Elder, 1974 and Conger and Elder, 1994). Regardless of the number of parents in a child’s life, parents with low socioeconomic status are likely to have little flexibility in their work hours and are unlikely to gain social resources from their work that could be useful to them in parenting and in the vocational development of their children (Lareau, 1996 and Roy et al., 2004). Minority families are especially likely to be struggling with low income, unstable work, and income loss (Parke, 2004), and so they are likely to be economically stressed. Poverty rates for African American and Latino families are three times higher than for White non-Latino families (Proctor & Dalaker, 2002). In sum, the challenges of having jobs with low socioeconomic status affect many of the parenting variables that lead to occupational knowledge, as well as problems with providing opportunities to explore vocations. More broadly, the cultural context of parenting sets a backdrop for how the parenting processes of vocational development occur. This includes cultural variation in parents’ orientations toward parenting in general and vocational development in particular. Increased awareness of variation within cultural/ethnic groups as well as differences across cultures/ethnic groups impinge on parents and children. Recent work on family and child and adolescent outcomes have identified cultural variables of discrimination and stress due to minority status, decreased acceptance of traditional cultural norms and values, disruptions in family ties, increased intergenerational conflict, and exposure to culturally deviant peer influences (Gonzales et al., 2002 and Parke, 2004) as relevant to linking parenting and child developmental outcomes. Culture as part of family context is noted in Fig. 1, indicating that culture impacts on parenting and child and adolescent vocational development over time. The family context will be noted in this literature review, but research is urgently needed to have an empirically informed dialogue on how factors of family context influence parenting in relation to child and adolescent vocational development. We now review the existing literature on parenting in relation to child and vocational development and note examples of family context influencing parenting.

The purpose of this review has been to consider how parents influence vocational development in childhood and adolescence. We have argued that developmental processes (occupational knowledge acquisition, exploratory processes, academic and occupational aspirations, academic and occupational self-efficacy, and academic attainment and planning) mediate the relationships between parenting and vocational development, and these developmental foundations are central to our further study of parenting in relation to child and adolescent vocational development. Parenting includes cognitive, affective, and behavioral factors and includes factors of how exo-systems (e.g., parents’ experiences with work and higher education) impact parents and children. We also recognize the importance of contextualizing parenting as it occurs in daily life; we have referred to this as “family culture.” In doing so, research will provide a more realistic, dynamic understanding of how parenting occurs rather than the unrealistic, unidirectional view of parenting in relation to vocational development. Vocational outcomes include informed work choices, satisfaction with work choices, work self-efficacy, and work attainment. The literature on the vocational outcomes is not well developed but sufficient to proceed at this time. Prospective longitudinal studies are urgently needed that begin in childhood, continue in adolescence, and proceed to adulthood, as well as research designs that allow for the analysis of what we have called family culture. We need to further examine the variations in parenting and family functioning not only cross-culturally and across ethnicities within a culture, but we need to also understand the variations that occur in the parenting processes within ethnic groups (Parke, 2004). In this country, Parke notes that families are becoming increasingly diverse because of new patterns of immigration and acculturation, mainly coming from Latin America and Asia. This means an analysis of how culture is influencing the relationship between parenting and children’s vocational development is urgently needed. Evidence suggests that issues of discrimination, the stress due to minority status, the decreased acceptance of cultural norms and values, disruptions in family ties, intergenerational conflict, and children’s greater exposure to deviant peer influences are problems that immigrant parents must manage as they help their children to ideally flourish in their vocational development. Research needs to reflect that the goals of employment are not as simple as “making money.” The new movement of positive psychology highlights the importance of looking at fulfillment (e.g., Keyes and Haidt, 2003 and Wrzesniewski et al., 2003). Children and youth are clearer about the financial benefits of work than they are about other benefits. Researchers have not begun to study the link between parenting and their children’s aspirations for a vocation as a calling (i.e., serving a purpose larger than oneself), a career (i.e., focused on status and power), and/or a job (i.e., employment as a source of money alone). Preparing our children for adulthood must include an examination of different ways of framing employment outcomes (e.g., vocation, career, or job) in relation to context and development, even though research has not been so focused. Such a framing would be a corrective for a research literature heritage that has focused on employment status (e.g., employed/not employed status; financial status; professional/blue collar status). The perspective we advance requires what Stacey (1995) referred to as “cross-disciplinary migrants” who draw on several literatures to understand vocational development. Hartung et al. (2005) provide another rare example that employs research across a variety of disciplines to arrive at some conclusions pertaining to vocational development during the childhood period. We cite work published in the child development, education, family studies, sociology, anthropology, and economics literatures. This interdisciplinary approach is needed to bring together diverse literatures that, unfortunately, seem to develop in isolation. For example, there is almost complete lack of shared references in the papers by Hill et al. (2004) published in Child Development and Schoon and Parsons (2002) published in the Journal of Vocational Behavior even though both articles focused on the interrelations among family SES, academic achievement, and occupational aspirations. In these two articles, only 3 references out of roughly 140 were shared, once references covering statistics were removed. Our hope is that a broad reading of the child and adolescent vocational development and parenting literatures will help the field develop and test more comprehensive models that specify the parental factors and developmental foundations by which children gain knowledge about work, explore different career options, develop academic and vocational aspirations, expectations, and plans to achieve their aspirations. Finally, we encourage future researchers to consider parenting in relation to how their children come to develop meaning in their adult work that forms the basis for a satisfying work life and contributes to life fulfillment in adulthood.