رفتار جنسی در تجربه توریستی زنان : انگیزش ها، رفتارها، و معانی
|کد مقاله||سال انتشار||مقاله انگلیسی||ترجمه فارسی||تعداد کلمات|
|5125||2013||12 صفحه PDF||سفارش دهید||11853 کلمه|
Publisher : Elsevier - Science Direct (الزویر - ساینس دایرکت)
Journal : Tourism Management, Volume 35, April 2013, Pages 144–155
The research literature has traditionally focused on commercial sex tourism between tourists and locals but virtually ignored sexual behavior among tourists themselves. This exploratory study aspires to fill this gap by creating a taxonomy of non-commercial sex for women who engage in various forms of tourism. The analysis of in-depth interviews with Israeli self-defined heterosexual women reveals that different forms of tourism involve various types of sexual behavior as follows: (1) ‘Practicing Sex’ referring to sex on rest and relaxation vacations; (2) ‘Must Have Sex’ relating to sex on city break vacations; (3) ‘Sexual Adventure’ describing casual sex on backpacking trips; (4) ‘Controlled Sexual Desire’ referring to work related trips and vacations with children. The study findings are discussed in terms of their contribution to the research area of sex in tourism.
The Four S's – sun, sea, sand, and sex – are the hallmarks of the tourist experience both in academic literature and in the marketing material of tourist destinations (e.g., Crick, 1989; Hobson & Dietrich, 1994). The inclusion of sex in the “big four” demonstrates that sex is an integral and important part of the tourist experience. Since the 1990s, the complex links between sex and tourism became a subject of tourism studies (e.g., Bauer & McKercher, 2003; Carr & Poria, 2010; Clift & Carter, 2000; Ryan, 2000; Ryan & Hall, 2001; Ryan & Martin, 2001; Ryan, Robertson, Page, & Kearsley, 1996; Sánchez Taylor, 2001). Yet, further research attention is required to shed light on the meanings of the nexus between sex and tourism, as well as to clarify its relevance to the conceptualization of tourism as a social phenomenon. The literature on sex and tourism reveals three problematic issues. First, the literature has focused almost exclusively on commercial sex tourism and its undesirable nature as described by World Tourism Organization (Ryan, 2002), virtually ignoring consensual sex not involving financial transaction (Josiam, Hobson, Dietrich, & Smeaton, 1998; McKercher & Bauer, 2003). Second, most studies deal with the interactions between tourists and locals underlining the power relationships (e.g., Cabezas, 2004; Cohen, 1982; Sánchez Taylor, 2001, 2006), and studies of sexual behavior among tourists themselves are scarce. One exception is the study of casual sex among students during spring break (e.g., Apostolopoulos, Sönmez, & Yu, 2002; Litvin, 2010; Mewhinney, Herold, & Maticka-Tyndale, 1995). Additionally, research on sex in general, and in tourism and leisure contexts in particular, tends to focus on gay and lesbian people (e.g., Altman, 2008; López & Van Broeck, 2010; Visser, 2010; respectively) rather than on heterosexual people. This paucity of research is surprising, considering that much of the tourism industry is geared toward the idea of a romantic getaway for heterosexual couples (Hatvany, 2011). Investigating sex between heterosexual tourists, where no commercial transaction is involved, offers a different perspective on the interpersonal sexual dynamic in tourism from the commercial sex tourism embedded in the power differential between tourists and locals. Additionally, none of the studies of sexual relations between tourists (e.g., Eiser & Ford, 1995; Thomas, 2005) focuses on sex in long-term relationships or on the meanings attached to sexual behavior in tourism vis-à-vis everyday life. Moreover, when tourism studies of sexual behavior do not center on the sex industry, they often focus on very specific groups of the population (i.e., students, gay and lesbian people). Also, the underlying assumption being that tourism is a leisure-based activity, ignoring, for example, business travelers. In the present study, Israeli women's sexual behaviors in tourism were examined in the context of non-commercial, heterosexual encounters, both long-term and casual. The study goes beyond examining behavior and reveals associated motivations, meanings, and outcomes in various types of tourist experiences, and herein, lays its potential contribution to the understanding of tourism as a social phenomenon and its role in today's world (McKercher & Bauer, 2003). Specifically, the investigation of a mundane behavior highly affected by social control may provide insights into the place of tourism in people's lives and a richer understanding of the socially constructed gender roles. Furthermore, this study could be useful in challenging current research approaches that conceptualize tourism as a part of individual's daily life (Larsen, 2008; Uriely, 2010).
نتیجه گیری انگلیسی
The findings presented above can be summarized into a taxonomy of women's sexual behavior in tourism. The taxonomy is based on the place of sex in women's tourist experiences, as well as the differences between their vacation and non-vacation sexual behavior (see Table 1). The findings indicate that the desire to have sex is an important motivator for engaging in certain tourist experiences, projecting on both the push and the pull motives (Crompton, 1979; Dann, 1977). The push and pull motivational framework was found to be an appropriate explanation in the course of the data analysis. This framework allows for capturing both the internal socio-psychological needs that pushed women to embark on various tourist experiences as well as the characteristics of those experiences and the attributes of the tourist destinations that pulled them. Specifically, sex was described as a push motive in the Practicing Sex category in terms of seeking pleasure and relaxation, escaping stressful routine, enhancing relationships, self-compensation, as well as compensating the partner, for low quantity and/or quality of sex in everyday life. The pull motives in this category are, for example, the calm atmosphere and the comfort of the hotel. Sex was delineated as a push motive in the Sexual Adventure category as well, and was expressed through the seeking of excitement, exploration, social interaction, satisfying curiosity, and the challenge of the social mores established at home. These findings can be explained based on the studies of women's motivations for solo tourist experiences that include the desire for self-challenge and feelings of autonomy and empowerment (Jordan & Gibson, 2005). Yet, it should be highlighted that Jordan and Gibson as well as Jordan and Aitchison (2008) argue that gendered ideologies do not vanish in tourism contexts where social and self-surveillance impact upon the embodied experiences of women traveling solo, attenuating the potential for their empowerment. The pull motives related to the Sexual Adventure category include elements such as anonymity and permissiveness in the tourism environment. In both categories, the nature of the push motive explains why sex was perceived by the participants as highly important for getting involved in traveling and, thus, illustrates its role in the conceptualization of these tourist experiences. In line with Poria's et al. (2003) conceptualization of tourists' behavior, the findings reveal that the subjective perception of time as free and leisurely projects on participants' sexual behavior and the meanings they assign to it. In the categories of Practicing Sex and Sexual Adventure, where the change in women's sexual behavior is the most prominent, participants described their tourist experience time as free and leisurely, and it seems that the stronger this perception of the situation, the more it facilitates sexual activity. These findings are also in line with Diken and Laustsen's (2004) claim that in the vocabulary of tourism, any mention of freedom is likely to contain a coded promise of sexual adventure. In the category of Must Have Sex, participants regarded their time as leisure but not free as it was governed by intense and tiring “must see” sightseeing, especially on an organized trip. Hence, the change in sexual behavior in this category is moderate compared to the previous two. Finally, in the Controlled Sexual Desire category, vacation time was perceived as neither leisurely nor free, which explains the decreased sexual activity or its absence. Another aspect essential to the understanding of tourist sexual behavior is the perception of space. The findings reveal that the dominant factor in the perception of the touristic space is the degree of anonymity. The transgression of boundaries in women's sexual behavior during the backpacking experience was related to perceived anonymity and feeling of escape from social ties, and most notably, to the absence of the steady sexual partner. Additionally, participants' preferences to embark on backpacking experiences alone or with supportive female friend/s are related to perceived anonymity and aspiration to keep their sexual behavior from becoming public at home, echoing the findings of Ragsdale et al. (2006). Regarding the Practicing Sex and Must Have Sex categories, participants explained that the presence of their partners somewhat inhibits their willingness to experiment with sexual behavior, as the transgression of boundaries “returns home” with them. Lastly, in the Controlled Sexual Desire category, lack of anonymity is one of the dominant explanations for the absence and/or reduced quantity of sex. The findings are in line with studies, which highlight the importance of anonymity in the tourist environment, as well as its liberating effect on sexual behavior (Shields, 1990; Wickens, 1997). The concept of the liminoid (Turner, 1974) is highly useful in explaining the findings. Selänniemi (2003) suggested understanding the liminoid nature of the tourist experience as a fourfold transgression with spatial, temporal, mental, and sensual dimensions. Indeed, in this study the perception of time (as free and leisurely) and space (as anonymous) was related to participants' mental change that, in turn, increased their awareness of their sensuality and sexuality. In the Practicing Sex and Sexual Adventure categories, the participants referred – to varying degrees – to all four transgressions. Yet, in the Controlled Sexual Desire category and to some extent in the Must Have Sex category, the spatial and temporal transitions did not lead to mental and sensual transitions due to lack of anonymity, fatigue, or the perception of time as neither leisurely nor free. Although the liminoid nature of the tourist experience is crucial to the understanding of the nexus between sex and tourism, change in sexual behavior in tourism is not always about moving beyond boundaries. In fact, in certain tourist experiences the transformation is more about conforming to the stereotype of an enjoyable tourist experience and the role that sex plays in it. For example, in the Must Have Sex category, participants explained that they felt obliged to comply with the social belief that having sex is a “must do” activity that has to occur during a tourist experience. The interviewees specifically emphasized that sex has to occur even when the tourist experience is tiring to the point that there is not much vigor left to invest in sexual activity. This can be supported by Jordan's (2007) claim that tourism imagery in Western society creates its own norms and social rules. Urry's claim (2002) that social mores and obligations are changed into their less constraining and more pleasurable version in tourism is relevant to conceptualizing the findings. Based on the findings, it is suggested that “must do” activities associated with the tourist role (in this case, having sex) are perceived as an integral part of the tourist experience as are “must see” tourist attractions. Another layer of complexity in this respect concerns the social double standards and expectations from women with respect to sexual behavior (Maticka-Tyndale et al., 2003). Participants' perceptions of sex as an obligatory part of the repertoire of activities associated with certain tourist roles might reflect a wider social belief perpetuated via repetitive performative acts with respect to sex and gender roles in heterosexual relationships. Therefore, it is suggested here that while gender roles (with associated social baggage) become adapted to various tourism contexts, they do not vanish. The Controlled Sexual Desire category shows that certain forms of travel and tourism are even more sexually restrictive for women than the everyday-life environment. The participants do not view business travel as leisure, as work schedules become even more intense than usual and the environment is not anonymous. These findings contradict the trend described in the literature with respect to the sexual behavior of male business travelers, who indulge in casual sex “on the road” consuming the variety of services offered by the sex industry (Connell & Wood, 2005; O'Connell Davidson & Sánchez Taylor, 2005; Ryan & Kinder, 1996). Indeed, men even do corporate business in adult-entertainment venues (e.g., strip clubs), conduct that has no equivalent among women (Frank, 2003). Vacations with young children were also described as inappropriate for sex. Although, women would appreciate to have sex, the ethic of care prevails (Day, 2000; Gilligan, 1982). In this case, taking care of children's needs is of higher priority than one's pleasure and involvement in sexual activity. These findings regarding business trips and family vacations exemplify the increasing manifestation of home-like experiences in tourism contexts (Larsen, 2008; Uriely, 2010). Thus, in line with Uriely, Ram, and Malach-Pines' (2011) conceptualization of the linkages between tourism and deviant or normative behaviors, this study's findings indicate that tourist experiences constitute a platform for diverse behaviors perceived as transgressive or, conversely, as normative and even obligatory. 5.1. Conclusions To conclude, this exploratory study proposes a taxonomy of non-commercial sex for women, associating various modes of sexual behavior as well as accompanying motivations and meanings with different types of the tourist experience. The importance of the findings stems from their contribution to the understanding of tourism as a social phenomenon as well as their ability to illustrate the multifaceted and complex nature of the tourist experience by highlighting the diversity of the sexual behavior within it. Additionally, this study contributes empirical findings to the niche of sex in tourism, moving beyond conceptual suggestions, reflecting a range of tourist experiences rather than limiting its scope to a particular one. Indeed, this study addresses specificities of women's sexual behavior in various types of tourist experience, clarifying that women's sexual behavior varies dramatically across R&R vacations, city break vacations, backpacking trips, family vacations, and business trips. This exploratory study indicates that individual's sexual behavior is one of the meaningful threads in the interaction between the tourist and the everyday social realms. To date, the perception of sex as trivial or somewhat indecent, and the difficulties in researching such a sensitive topic, may explain the limited attention to sexual behavior in tourism studies. Based on this study, it is suggested that the research on sex in tourism is a meaningful part of the academic discourse for several reasons. First, the findings reveal that various behavioral changes in sex during the tourist experiences are bound with the unique meanings associated with socio-psychological needs that may be satisfied in the tourist contexts. Second, the desire to have sex was found to be an explicit motivation to embark on certain tourist experiences and/or an important factor for women's satisfaction with their tourist experiences. Third, studying women's sexual behavior sheds light on the role of tourism in today's world, contributing insights to the differences between routine life and tourism, which today are often perceived as similar. 5.2. Limitations and future studies Social desirability, especially with respect to a sensitive topic such as sexual behavior, might dictate limitations in this study (Turner & Rubinson, 1993). As for the delimitations, participants who agreed to be interviewed on such a sensitive topic may not represent the broader population. Yet, adopting a qualitative approach for this exploratory study reflects an aspiration of achieving an in-depth, rich understanding of the studied phenomenon. Thus, the exploratory nature of the suggested classification precludes generalization without further investigation. As for future studies, when researching a sensitive topic it is necessary to conduct a series of small-scale studies with each contributing to the body of knowledge and extending the insights gained from previous work (Poria, Coyle, & Desombre, 2001). For instance, conducting research with men, or women from other geographical areas, would supply an insightful platform for comparisons. Since living in Israel is attributed by the lack of anonymity, similar research in locales with different socio-cultural contexts and where people feel a higher degree of privacy could shed additional light on the role of these factors in explaining women's sexual behavior. Further, participants in this study have neither situated nor explained their sexual behaviors in tourism with respect to their religion or degree of religiosity, which could be a meaningful focus for future research. Additionally, the importance of sex as a motive to participate in various tourist experiences could be explored vis-à-vis other potential motivations, which, in turn, would help situate sex in a broader framework of tourism motivations. Studies could also explore whether sexual behavior during the tourist experiences is associated with shifts in self-perceptions or changes in sexual behavior at the home environment. In addition to creating the aforementioned building blocks to the understanding of noncommercial sexual behavior in tourism, situating it within wider social, cultural, and political contexts is warranted. Telling sexual stories is part of “self work” since people “tell sexual stories to assemble a sense of self and identity” (Plummer, 1995, pp. 172–173). In exploring sexual stories as sociological phenomena, Plummer calls to understand how sexual stories are socially constructed, re-constructed, and read, as well as the socio-historical conditions and political changes that underpin them. Therefore, the potential of future meaningful insights with respect to studying non-commercial sex in tourism should not be underestimated and ought to play a role in tourism studies and tourism education.