خودشیفتگی پنهان به عنوان پیش بینی علائم درونی سازی پس از بازخورد عملکرد در نوجوانان

The present study examined the association between covert narcissism and internalizing symptoms (i.e., shame, anxiety) in adolescents following an ego threat. Participants were 132 adolescents (101 males, 30 females, 1 not reported), ages 16–19 (M = 16.81 years, SD = .81), attending a residential program. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three feedback conditions (i.e., positive, negative, or neutral). Contrary to the main hypothesis, Time 2 internalizing symptoms tended to be highest for individuals in the positive feedback condition who had higher levels of narcissism. The implications of this study for understanding the role of narcissism in internalizing symptoms are discussed.

Narcissism is characterized by a grandiose self-image along with characteristics such as dominance, exhibitionism, manipulativeness, a sense of entitlement, and vanity (Atlas and Them, 2008, Raskin et al., 1991 and Washburn et al., 2004). Raskin and colleagues (1991) suggest that narcissism is essentially a form of self-esteem regulation and that the tactics employed by narcissists (e.g., aggression, a grandiose self-presentation, exploitation of others) are means of defending their tenuous feelings of self-worth against perceived threats. However, the manner in which someone with narcissism responds to negative events may be a function of his or her particular narcissistic tendencies. Research has indicated that there may be two relatively distinct types of narcissism: overt and covert (Atlas & Them, 2008), which may have implications for the particular responses that individuals display toward their environment. Narcissism is a complex and multifaceted construct. Foster and Trimm (2008) describe covert narcissists as seemingly somewhat motivated by reward but as also highly sensitive to punishment. Individuals with covert narcissism are described as “hypersensitive, anxious, timid, and insecure, but on close contact surprise observers with their grandiose fantasies” (Wink, 1991, p. 591). Individuals who are considered covert narcissists are assumed to have a greater likelihood of sensitivity to criticism and to be more likely to experience negative emotional reactivity (Atlas & Them, 2008), including anxiety and shame. The vast majority of narcissism research has utilized operational definitions consistent with overt narcissism, but the present study examines covert narcissism because of its theoretical ties to internalizing issues. Covert narcissism is particularly tied to experiencing internalizing responses to ego threats. Insofar as covert narcissism is associated with insecurity, unhappiness, and low self-esteem (Rose, 2002), it is presumed that it would also translate to feelings of shame, particularly after criticism. Thomaes, Stegge, and Olthof (2007) note that shame commonly results from experiences that impress upon children an unsolicited identity and induces the idea that they are not necessarily who they believe themselves to be. They further state that when children do not live up to the behavioral standards they set for themselves, have inadequate control over their thoughts and actions, or are inept in any particular domain of life, they may feel shame. This notion is potentially relevant for understanding the link between narcissism and aggression in that emotional responses such as shame and anxiety are typically experienced on an implicit level and may be the driving force in subsequent aggression (Campbell, Foster, & Brunell, 2004). In their previous study, Thomaes, Stegge, Bushman, and Olthof (2008) did not directly measure shame but presumed relations based on their findings from an experimental condition in which participants were told that they lost to an opponent who was not good at a task. In that study, children with high levels of narcissism were subsequently more aggressive than other children, especially if they were in this shame condition. The relevance of this model for adolescents was underscored by Thomaes and colleagues (2008) who suggested that, as an adolescent gets older, feelings of shame would pose a more serious threat to self-esteem and would have greater influence on subsequent actions. The present study attempted to extend Thomaes and colleagues’ research by directly measuring shame in relation to ego threatening situations. Narcissistic individuals corroborate and support their perceived self-image through the feedback and admiration that they seek and hope to receive from others (Atlas and Them, 2008 and Raskin et al., 1991). If that feedback is negative, narcissism is predictive of negative affect (Rhodewalt & Morf, 1995) and a negative behavioral response (e.g., aggression; Bushman & Baumeister, 1998). Furthermore, individuals with narcissistic characteristics are thought to engage in “defensive self-enhancement” (Raskin et al., 1991, p. 21), which may translate to feelings of anxiety and shame after negative feedback. Adolescence is an ideal time in which to assess the impact of narcissistic traits on emotional and behavioral responses to ego-threatening situations based on the malleability and emotional reactivity of self-perceptions during this developmental period (Lapsley & Aalsma, 2006). Harter (2006) proposed that adolescence is a period during which individuals become progressively more aware of their need to maintain their feelings of self-worth by gaining the approval of others which may serve as a catalyst for the establishment of self-protective motives. As a result, adolescents may be particularly likely to exhibit affective or behavioral responses to negative appraisals from others. In addition, part of adolescent identity formation capitalizes on the capability of adolescents to think introspectively and self-reflect (Lapsley, 1993). Lapsley (1993) notes that the increased ability of adolescents to self-reflect is related to the emergence of egocentrism. Certain patterns of egocentrism in adolescence elicit a multitude of emotional reactions, including concern with shame, embarrassment, and feelings of being constantly evaluated and judged (Lapsley, 1993). Egocentrism in adolescents seems to mirror some elements of narcissism. That is, presenting a confident, even grandiose, self-image, as well as maintaining an idealized self-image are not only central aspects of narcissism, but they are also often of increased importance during adolescence. It has also been suggested that shame is a common, negative emotion in adolescence as a consequence of adolescents’ increased self-consciousness and awareness (Ryan and Kuczkowski, 1994 and Simmons et al., 1973). Furthermore, adolescents are believed to be more susceptible than children to shame because they have developed the ability to make global negative evaluations about their self-image (Ferguson, Stegge, & Damhuis, 1991). Such tendencies may be pronounced for adolescents with high levels of narcissism. Research on narcissism among children and adolescents is limited and even more so when considering the relation between narcissism and internalizing problems, but a connection between narcissism and shame and/or anxiety is apparent from the emerging work in this area (e.g., Barry and Malkin, 2010 and Thomaes et al., 2008). In summary, the primary aim of the present study was to explore the association between covert narcissism and internalizing responses following negative performance feedback. Negative performance feedback has been previously used in studies investigating reactions associated with narcissism (e.g., Bushman and Baumeister, 1998 and Thomaes et al., 2008). However, previous research focused primarily on reactions of adults. The present study will extend previous research by focusing on adolescents and by considering covert narcissism which has theoretical links to shame and anxiety.