مشاهده محیط اطراف خود: اثرات تنظیم همسایگی و نژاد بر روی پریشانی مادری

Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth at two points in time, we examine the relationship between maternal psychological distress and perceived neighborhood disorder for three groups: African Americans, Mexican Americans and whites. Findings show that across all racial groups neighborhood perceptions are more salient in shaping levels of distress than is objective neighborhood location. However, objective location (e.g., central city residence) does considerably influence how mothers perceive their neighborhoods in the first place. These results suggest that future research on the independent consequences of the neighborhood context should incorporate both subjective assessments and objective indicators of living arrangements. We also observe that perceived neighborhood disorder and psychological distress are affected by marital status, educational attainment, household income, and employment. Moreover, compared to their Mexican American and white counterparts, family structure (e.g., number of children) appears to be more detrimental in shaping outcomes for African American mothers.

What is the relationship between maternal psychological distress and subjective appraisals of the neighborhood context? Do perceptions of neighborhood disorganization (e.g., level of crime, access to police protection, suitability of environs for rearing children) affect psychological distress differently than objective location (e.g., central city residence versus rural communities)? And, after controlling for family structure, health, and socioeconomic status, does the relationship between maternal psychological distress and the neighborhood context vary by race? Over the last decade and a half, social scientists have amassed a considerable literature devoted to understanding the effects of neighborhood characteristics on individual and group outcomes (Aneshensel and Sucoff, 1996; Brooks-Gunn et al., 1993; Crane, 1991; McLeod and Shanahan, 1993; Wilson, 1987 and Wilson, 1996). Most of this research has explored the influence of the neighborhood context on the outcomes of children and adolescents. Not surprisingly, youth more likely suffer negative outcomes when reared in neighborhoods that experience significant amounts of social disorder and decay. Typically, scholars maintain that the neighborhood represents a collective socialization agent, with effects independent of schools and families, that may encourage or hinder healthy development (Booth and Crouter, 2001; Wilson, 1996). Correspondingly, less research has been committed to understanding the impact of community conditions on the psychological adjustment of parents. Yet, if parents, as the major caretakers, are also affected by neighborhood conditions, there may well be farther reaching consequences of neighborhood conditions than would be detected when studying only young people. Understanding if and how parents are affected by their neighborhood surroundings could provide another link in the chain of the collective socialization argument. Data constraints limit the scope of this specific research to the question of how neighborhoods affect psychological distress among women with children. While this is an admitted shortcoming, there are valid reasons to focus our study on maternal outcomes. Recent research reveals that mothers still are primarily responsible for the upbringing of children and maintenance of the home (Bird, 1997; Simon, 1995). According to Rosenfield (1989) and Simon, 1992 and Simon, 1995, the role demands and symbolic meanings attached to motherhood are unlike those experienced by men and childless women. Whether mothers, similar to children and adolescents, have psychological difficulties as a result of neighborhood influences is an important consideration in itself. If a mother is unsettled by her neighborhood ambience, the impact may spill over to other family members that depend on her. Therefore, neighborhoods may be especially germane to the psychological well-being of women with children. First, a residence may impede mothers from realizing one expectation of the maternal role – that is, to provide a safe, attractive, and nurturing domicile. Second, since neighborhoods are also related to the quality and availability of facilities such as schools, parks and playgrounds, and police protection, mothers may be especially alert to neighborhood situations. Third, mothers may be particularly susceptible to the nature, quality, and frequency of contact with neighbors, which is important since social support has been shown to lessen stress (Menaghan, 1982; Menaghan and Merves, 1984). We expect that mothers suffer psychological distress as a function of the extent to which they see neighborhoods as undesirable.

We have examined the effects of perceived neighborhood disorder and objective neighborhood location on the psychological distress of women with children. Our broadening of Wilson, 1987 and Wilson, 1996 underclass model has proven fruitful. Like Wilson (1996), we provide support for the notion that the neighborhood context is linked to distress. Neighborhood perceptions are a strong predictor of psychological distress. Undoubtedly, perceived neighborhood disorder is stressful because it threatens the ability of mothers to provide a safe and nurturing environment for their families. Though our measures of objective neighborhood location do not directly affect psychological distress, residence in central city neighborhoods still strongly influences perceived neighborhood disorder. Wilson appears to be correct in focusing on the inner city, where concentrated disadvantages may take a social psychological toll. It appears rural residence does not impact the respondents in this study. And, finally, as hypothesized, the relationship between race and maternal psychological distress is not straightforward. Compared to whites, Mexican American women do not differ significantly in the process shaping maternal distress. But, African American mothers are at greater risk for psychological maladjustment due to family characteristics and socioeconomic factors. Future research in this area should further investigate the links among community perceptions, objective location, and psychological well-being. This work indicates that in addition to socioeconomic attainment and family characteristics, subjective assessments of the neighborhood significantly influence the psychological well-being of women with children. Though we intentionally restricted our work to three racial groups, other research should also broaden the investigation to other racial groups (e.g., Asian Americans) and integrate the study of gender differences. Much remains to be done in terms of understanding the affect of ascribed characteristics (e.g., race and gender) on differences in mental health outcomes. In terms of maternal psychological distress, the incorporation of perceived neighborhood disorder appears to elucidate this relationship.