ویژگی های دوشکلی جنسی و تفکیک جنسیتی بین مشاغل: شواهدی از مطالعه اینترنت بی بی سی

The proportion of women (PW) across occupations shows considerable variation. Here we hypothesize that occupational segregation could be moderated by the effect of testosterone (T), leading individuals to gender-typical choice of occupation. To test this, we examined the relationship between PW across 22 occupations and three putative correlates of T (the 2nd to 4th digit ratio [2D:4D], a supposed correlate of prenatal T [PT]; body height, a possible correlate of adult T [AT]; and a systemizing–empathizing score [SQ–EQ], a putative behavioural correlate of PT and AT) in a large internet survey. PW varied from 17% (Engineering/R&D) to 94% (Homemaker) per occupation. Compared to participants in female-typical jobs, participants in male-typical jobs tended to have low right hand 2D:4D and low right–left hand 2D:4D [Dr-l] (higher PT, women only), were taller (higher AT, men and women), and had higher SQ–EQ scores (higher PT and AT, men and women). With regard to women, the relationships for Dr-l and SQ–EQ (but not body height) remained significant when Whites only were considered. We conclude that in women Dr-l, and SQ–EQ are related to occupational segregation, suggesting that high PT and AT are found in women who are in male-typical occupations.

Some occupations have an excess of women and others an excess of men. Thus the proportion of women per occupation (PW) may vary considerably from male-typical occupations such as engineering to female-typical occupations such as homemaker. Gender segregation between occupations may have its roots in social factors that lead to discrimination or absence of female role models, and this may be one influence that leads to variation in PW (Petersen & Morgan, 1995). In the last two decades there has been movement in the US and UK towards a more even sex ratio (PW = 0.5) in many occupations (Weeden, 1998 and Wells, 1999), but in some such as the female-dominated caring professions and in male-dominated engineering there has been little change (Govier, 2003). This situation may in part arise because of the influences that determine women’s individual choices. For example many women are obliged to take time out to have children. Consequently they may choose an occupation that has little or no financial penalty for breaks in employment, that is flexible in the provision and accommodation of maternity leave, one in which the work is not so physically demanding as to affect pregnancy, or even one in which injury is unlikely to affect their role of caregiver to children. Such hypotheses have been tested, but with mixed results (DeLeire and Levy, 2004, England, 1982, England, 1985, Polachek, 1981 and Polachek, 1985).