Studies show that residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods drink more heavily than residents of more affluent neighborhoods. However, explanations for this association are not well developed. Using data collected from a sample of low-income women with children from Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio, we explore the possibility that perceptions of neighborhood disorder encourage heavy drinking. Drawing on Conger's (Q. J. Stud. Alcohol 17 (1956) 296) tension reduction hypothesis, we propose that the stress of living in a neighborhood characterized by problems with drugs, crime, teen pregnancy, unemployment, idle youth, abandoned houses, and unresponsive police can be psychologically distressing and lead some people to consume alcohol as a means of palliative escape, to regulate feelings of anxiety and depression. In support of the tension reduction hypothesis, we find that the positive association between neighborhood disorder and heavy drinking is largely mediated by anxiety and depression.
If neighborhoods shape the drinking practices of residents, how do they? In this paper, we explore the possibility that perceptions of neighborhood disorder encourage heavy drinking. Drawing on Conger's (1956) tension reduction hypothesis, we argue that the stress of living in a neighborhood characterized by problems with drugs, crime, teen pregnancy, unemployment, idle youth, abandoned houses, and unresponsive police can be psychologically distressing and lead some people to consume alcohol as a means of palliative escape, to regulate feelings of anxiety and depression.
Studies show that residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods drink more heavily than residents of more affluent neighborhoods (Crum, Lillie-Blanton, & Anthony, 1996; Andrulis, 1997; Ennett, Flewelling, Lindrooth, & Norton, 1997; Fitzpatrick & LaGory, 2000; LaVeist & Wallace, 2000); however, explanations for this association are not well developed. Some scholars argue that bars, liquor stores, and other retail alcohol outlets are more prevalent in disadvantaged neighborhoods (Crum et al., 1996; Jones-Webb, Hsiao, Hannan, & Caetano, 1997a; Alaniz, 1998; Gorman, Speer, Gruenwald, & Labouvie, 2001; LaVeist & Wallace, 2000). Others contend that alcohol is heavily marketed in poor and minority neighborhoods with billboards, signs, and other forms of advertising (Lee & Callcott, 1994; Andrulis, 1997; Alaniz, 1998; Wallace, 1999; Harwood et al., 2003). Although research shows that alcohol availability and marketing are related to patterns of heavy drinking in disadvantaged neighborhoods (Rabow & Watts, 1982; Cassisi, Delehant, Tsoutsouris, & Levin, 1998; Wallace, 1999; George et al., 2001), it is unlikely that these factors alone shape the drinking practices of residents.
