تحقیقات طولی از قربانی شدن آزار و اذیت جنسی همسالان در دوران نوجوانی

Abstract The current study describes longitudinal trends in sexual harassment by adolescent peers and highlights gender, pubertal status, attractiveness, and power as predictors of harassment victimization. At the end of 5th, 7th, and 9th grades, 242 adolescents completed questionnaires about sexual harassment victimization, pubertal status, and perceived power. Results indicate an increase in sexual harassment from 5th to 9th grade, with boys more likely to report harassment than girls in each grade. An analysis of harassment type indicated no gender difference in 9th grade cross-gender harassment, but boys received more same-gender harassment than girls. Pubertal status predicted concurrent sexual harassment victimization in each grade. Boys and girls with advanced pubertal status at all grades were more likely to be victims of 9th grade same-gender harassment. Adolescents with greater power at all grades were more likely to be victims of 9th grade cross-gender sexual harassment.

Conclusions Despite its limitations, the current study contributes to the study of peer victimization by identifying age and gender trends as well as predictors of PSHV. Based on evidence from the current study, we proposed that early adolescents engage in sexually harassing behaviors as a way of making sense of their developing sexualities. In particular, cross-gender sexual harassment may be a typical part of sexual development in which adolescents experiment with expressing romantic attraction toward their peers. The transition into associating with other-gender peers allows youth to determine appropriate ways of expressing romantic attraction by testing the boundaries of sexual teasing. Sexual attention in the form of low levels of harassment (e.g. telling sexual jokes) may not always be harmful, but rather may be a typical part of development in which adolescents experiment with expressing romantic attraction toward their peers. In one study, 39% of students reported that sexual harassment was “just a part of school life,” or “no big deal,” and over half of students (54%) reported not being upset by harassment (AAUW, 2001). In this way sexual harassment is distinct from other forms of peer victimization in which the intent is to physically or emotionally harm the victim. A key component of the definition of bullying involves the imbalance of power between the bully and victim (Craig & Pepler, 2003). In particular, bullies gain dominance over their less powerful victims. This study suggests that victims of peer sexual harassment have more power than their peers. Therefore, dominance is an unlikely motivator of peer sexual harassment, making it distinct from bullying and other forms of peer victimization. Although much of sexual harassment may be innocuous, instances of sexual aggression should not be ignored. Eleven percent of perpetrators report that they harass to express power over the victim (AAUW, 2001). Sexual harassment intended to express dominance may be rare in comparison to harassment intended to attract attention, but it is important to recognize and eliminate. Moreover, even when the perpetrator's intentions are harmless, the target of the harassment may be distressed by this unwanted attention. Regardless of the perpetrator's intentions, negative perceptions of harassment by the victim are associated with a variety of negative outcomes ranging from embarrassment to a severe drop in self-esteem or even depression (American Association of University Women (AAUW), 2001 and Nadeem and Graham, 2005). The alarming increase in sexual harassment during early adolescence requires more research to expand on existing knowledge and identify additional predictors of this complex peer interaction. We hope that this study will open the door to future work to gain a more complete understanding of peer sexual harassment victimization