رابطه بین فعالیت های آنلاین، آداب شبکه و مزاحمت سایبری

While cyberbullying shares characteristics with face-to-face bullying, there is a uniqueness of online interaction that makes it more pervasive and the impact longer-lasting. Cyberbullying should be understood within a broader context of online activities and how adolescents perceive of what is permissible in the online space. This study investigated the relationship between levels of online activities and cyberbullying behavior, while examining the moderating impact of netiquette. Communication with parents, age, gender and location were also considered. A face-to-face survey was conducted on a nationally representative sample of 12 to 15 year-old adolescents (N = 1200) in South Korea during April and May, 2013. The results show that frequent users of the Internet and SNS are more likely to engage in, become victims of and witness cyberbullying behavior. On the other hand, studying online, netiquette, and communication time with parents were negatively correlated to cyberbullying behavior. Knowing the mechanism of social interaction online and the awareness about the consequences of their behavior are important factors that shape young people's online behavior. This suggests that a more proactive approach to prevent and mitigate negative behavior online is needed. The results add to the knowledge that informs cyberbullying prevention methods.

Cyberbullying and traditional bullying share some commonalities in that they start occurring during adolescence, are aggressive behaviors towards someone perceived as weaker, and involves peer group interaction. However, there are some unique characteristics of cyberbullying that are linked to young people's online behavior and their perception about the online world that differentiates it from face-to-face bullying. Adolescents spend an enormous amount of time online, engaging in various activities and interacting with other people, which has become an essential part of their everyday lives. Cyberbullying can be understood within the context of these online activities (Festl and Quandt, 2013, Walrave and Heirman, 2011 and Ybarra and Mitchell, 2008). As the time spent online increases, so do the risks and opportunities adolescents encounter (see Livingstone & Helsper, 2010). If we limit adolescents' use of the Internet, then it may reduce the benefits as well as the risks. Instead of trying to stop what young people encounter online, we need a proactive approach that equips them with the ability to filter and alleviate the impact of negative content. Borrowing insights from research on traditional bullying as well as Internet research, this study investigated factors that are related to cyberbullying and suggested ways to reduce cyberbullying behavior. Misbehavior such as bullying can be explained by the concept of moral disengagement, which is a process of justifying misconduct by selectively applying moral norms. This logic is applicable to online misbehavior but the range of actions that adolescents perceive of as unethical or immoral may differ from the offline world. To account for the differences, we introduce the concept of “netiquette”—a broad term that encompasses the moral and ethical values that people exercise online. A nationally representative sample of 12 to 15 year-olds in South Korea was surveyed by using a face-to-face method. We explored the relationship between the amount and types of Internet use, moral norms specific to the online environment, and the ways in which these factors influence exposure to, and practice of, cyberbullying. South Korea is one of the countries with the highest broadband and mobile Internet penetration in the world and provides a good case study of how young people behave in the online space in a well-connected environment. 1.1. Characteristics of cyberbullying As Internet penetration increases, cyberbullying is growing in prevalence. In the U.S., for example, 20–40% of young people have experienced cyberbullying at least once in their lives (Tokunaga, 2010). EU Kids Online reports a smaller figure: Across Europe, 6% of 9- to 16-year-old Internet users have been bullied online in the past year (Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, et al., 2011). An equivalent study of Australian youth reports that 16% had experienced cyberbullying (Green, Brady, Ólafsson, et al., 2011). Bullying behavior during adolescence is not a new phenomenon. As a part of growing up, adolescents explore social relationships, during which some may encounter bullying or become bullies, both face-to-face and online. This may, however, lead to detrimental consequences—such as depression, decreased self-worth and suicide—in both bullies and victims (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010). Bullying is an intentional behavior to harm someone through repeated aggression, commonly in a relationship with an imbalance in power (Levy et al., 2012 and Slonje et al., 2013). When this behavior occurs through electronic means, it is deemed cyberbullying. Smith et al. (2008) defines cyberbullying as “an aggressive, intentional act carried out by a group or individual, using electronic forms of contact, repeatedly and over time against a victim who cannot easily defend him or herself” (p376). Due to the increased methods of electronic communication, the scope of cyberbullying is broader than that of traditional bullying. Perpetrators can remain anonymous, and one-time acts of aggression may elicit unintended ramifications. Bullying can be distinguished from simple aggression in that it is a behavior that is repeated over time and implies a power imbalance between the bully and victim (Olweus, 1994). It usually occurs within the social context of peer group interactions (Williams & Guerra, 2007). Past research indicates a link between traditional and online bullying (Almeida et al., 2012, Kowalski and Limber, 2013 and Livingstone et al., 2011) and a strong correlation between people's propensity to misbehave online and offline (Selwyn, 2008). While most of the behavioral aspects of bullying and cyberbullying are similar, there are some fundamental differences (Dooley et al., 2009, Werner et al., 2010 and Ybarra et al., 2007) and the consequences greater online (Låftman et al., 2013). First, the power imbalance can play out quite differently online, regardless of the power relationship in real life (Vandebosch, 2008). This is because in cyberspace, the relationship between the bully and victim is not always asymmetrical. Victims can retaliate and become bullies themselves. Also, bystanders can easily participate in the bullying. Second, the fact that the action can be anonymous heightens the threatening nature of cyberbullying (Dooley et al., 2009 and Mishna et al., 2009). As a result, the roles of victims, bystanders, and perpetrators become interchangeable. A person can be involved in multiple roles that are fluid over time, changing across different situations. While adolescents differentiated among the role of bullies and victims in an offline environment, this was less evident online (Law, Shapka, Hymel, Olson, & Waterhouse, 2012). 1.2. More Internet use leads to more risks Contrary to the common belief that better information and communication technology (ICT) skills help reduce the risk that people encounter online, some studies show that online risks are positively associated with both Internet skills and use (Livingstone & Helsper, 2010). Finding the link between the ways that young people spend their time online and the types of risks that they are exposed to is essential to keeping a safe and healthy online environment. Equally important is the manner in which they deal with the online risks that they encounter. Internet users who are more skilled and whose usage is narrowly focused are exposed to greater negative content online (Park, 2009). Similarly, Leung and Lee's (2012) work confirmed that the higher the information literacy and usage level, the more likely that users are to encounter online risks. Social networking site (SNS) users among children (9–16 years) who have more digital competence are exposed to more risk online (Staksrud et al., 2013). Higher levels of ICT use and skills are correlated with cyberbullying behavior: the results of a longitudinal study indicated that among early teens, ICT skills significantly increased cyberbullying (Kumazaki, Suzuki, Katsura, Sakamoto, & Kashibuchi, 2011); meanwhile, according to Floros, Siomos, Fisoun, Dafouli, and Geroukalis (2013), cyberbullies tended to spend more time online, engaging in activities such as online discussions, downloading content, gambling, and pornography. Risky SNS use, such as disclosing personal information or befriending strangers, led to more exposure to cyberbullying (Kwan & Skoric, 2013). The pervasive use of SNS particularly raises concerns of young people being more exposed to online risks because SNS allows users to disclose their personal information, share location information and link with strangers. Young people are spending more time online than ever before. A large portion of what they learn about social interaction and relationships is acquired through online networks. Investigating how youths perceive online social norms and how they act may help us reduce or mitigate negative online behaviors, such as cyberbullying. 1.3. Moral disengagement and netiquette Cyberbullying is related to other forms of violence and aggressive behavior (Calvete, Orue, Estévez, Villardón, & Padilla, 2010). Social and emotional learning, in particular empathy, can reduce aggressive behavior (Castillo et al., 2013, Gini et al., 2007 and Steffgen et al., 2011). While morality is a different concept from empathy, it shares an important component—awareness of others and the society that surrounds us. Morality refers to an individual's conception of what is right or wrong; it is usually formed through an interactive process of communicating and reproducing social structures (Fuchs, Bichler, & Raffl, 2009). According to Bandura's (1991) Social Cognitive Theory of the Moral Self, moral reasoning leads to moral action and that people go through an affective self-regulatory mechanism that sets their behavioral base. Moral disengagement is related to transgressive behavior, while negatively related to self-regulatory efficacy (Bandura, Caprara, Barbaranelli, Pastorelli, & Regalia, 2001). Moral judgments play a significant role in both traditional and online bullying behavior (Gini, 2006, Gini et al., 2014 and Menesini et al., 2013). Bullying behavior is often self-justified with moral reasoning. For example, those with stronger normative beliefs about aggression are more likely to engage in bullying behavior (Burton et al., 2013 and Williams and Guerra, 2007). When a person's moral principles and his or her conduct are not consistent, moral disengagement serves as a mediator (Bandura, 2002). Moral disengagement is a mental process of legitimizing an action by selectively applying moral censure. When online, perpetrators can exercise moral disengagement easily because consequences are less likely to seem immediate or real. This disengagement is reinforced by the fact that it is easier to mask the origin of one's actions through the Internet's anonymizing features. Indeed, research has demonstrated that those who participated in cyberbullying felt less guilty had less conscience than those who engaged in traditional bullying (Wachs, 2012). Elledge et al. (2013) found that higher scores on pro-victim attitudes, which has a component of netiquette, lower frequencies of cyberbullying. Selwyn (2008) suggests that young people feel less inhibited to misbehave online due to the disjuncture they feel between the offline and online worlds. The disembodied nature of online interactions with other users may lead individuals to lower their inhibitions regarding misbehavior (Denegri-Knott, 2006). Those who engage in cyberbullying may, therefore, do so because they cannot observe the immediate impact of their actions (Perren & Gutzwiller-Helfenfinger, 2012). Studies have shown that young people rate the likelihood of cybervictims being hurt significantly higher than the likelihood of cyberbullies receiving consequences. They also tend to engage in harmful behavior on the Internet if they believe that it is unlikely to result in immediate consequences (Pettalia, Levin, & Dickinson, 2013). For example, knowing that the teacher might intervene reduces cyberbullying behavior (Elledge et al., 2013). Differences in the offline and online experiences result in what young people believe to be the boundaries of social action. These are reflected in what people perceive to be permitted actions. Netiquette is a broad concept that captures the sense of morality and ethical values that are applied to the online world. This concept acknowledges that the cyberspace has its own set of beliefs or standards, separate from the physical world, which are used by Internet users as moral criteria, when they decide “what is, what can be, how to feel, what to do and how to go about doing unethical things on the net” (Freestone & Mitchell, 2004). Kumazaki et al. (2011) found that good netiquette—a higher awareness of desirable manners online—has a moderating effect on cyberbullying.

5.1. Implications of the findings Any prevention or intervention should embrace the fact that young people are going to spend a considerable amount of time on the Internet, engaging in many activities. Rather than a preemptive strategy, we need to develop more proactive remedies to mitigate the negative aspects of being online, particularly by enhancing their moral and ethical values that are applicable to the online world. This, in part, involves educating young people that the online world is just as real as the offline world, and that their actions can have a serious impact on other people; it is much easier for youth to justify their actions if the consequences do not seem real. Just as children learn about the consequences of their offline actions, it is important to give a sense of online reality to young people. During adolescence and early adulthood, individuals shift their moral reasoning from avoiding punishment to respecting others and communities. The perception that there is a larger community, beyond that of close relationships, is an important learning process during adolescence (Davis, Katz, Santo, et al., 2010). In the cyberworld, individuals have less fear of being caught and punished for their misbehavior. Thus, rather than encouraging adolescents to simply think about the immediate consequences of their actions, it may be more effective to encourage linking moral and ethical reasoning to their acts in a broader social context. SNS permeates young people's everyday lives. This has opened up new opportunities for adolescents to learn how to initiate and maintain social relationships but it has also increased the chances of being exposed to negative content online. Once people are actively residing and participating in the online social realm, it is more likely that they encounter various types of social interaction online, including bullying. However, SNS is a playground for young people to explore relationships, experiment with cliques and groups and experience the online social world. The ways in which they can benefit from this added space, while minimizing the risks and negativity is a challenge for them. This is because the opportunities of socializing in the online space are contradictory and complex. The Internet invites possibilities of risky behavior due to anonymity, while at the same time provides communicative tools to develop and maintain relationships. Thus, young people need to learn how to navigate this complex new world (Mishna et al., 2009). This, in part, involves educating Internet users the ‘realness’ of the online world and that it is not separate from the offline real life. An empathic training program used in an experimental study that teaches the awareness of others, was found to be effective in decreasing bullying behavior (Şahin, 2012). More programs that can be applied to the online world must be developed and implemented. 5.2. Limitations and future research direction Although not thoroughly examined in the present study, the fact that communication with parent reduced bullying behavior is worthy of further investigation. There was a strong correlation between the sense of netiquette and daily communication with parents. Parental influence of pro-social values and quality time spent with children are related to online misbehavior (Chan and Chui, 2013 and Park, 2011). Studies have repeatedly found that parental intervention and communication style affect the way children use the media (Krcmar, 1996, Padilla-Walker, 2006 and Valkenburg et al., 1999). Internet use is negatively related to adolescents' perception of the quality of family relationships (Mesch, 2003) and more screen time is associated with poorer attachment to parents (Richards, McGee, Williams, Welch, & Hancox, 2010). What needs to be investigated further is the relationship between parents' netiquette and how that is discussed with their children. The impact of peer groups is another area worthy of investigation. Social bonding with other pro-social individuals increases the likelihood of morality. How peer group interaction affects the social norms among adolescents in cyberspace is important in understanding how young people perceive of and behave in the online world. This is particularly so because the online space provides broader opportunities for users to engage in interaction with other users. Online interaction includes socializing with people that are beyond the typical concept of peer groups in terms of age and geographic location. Due to the methodology that we adopted for this study, we cannot avoid its descriptive nature, which makes it difficult to infer any causal relations (Patchin & Hinduja, 2013). Nevertheless, the link between online activities, netiquette and cyberbullying sets a meaningful ground for further investigation.