In 2003, 17.9% of all fatal traffic accidents in the European Union involved moped and motorcycle, with Spain ranking third among the constituent countries in terms of the total number of fatal accidents involving these types of vehicles with 758 deaths (Bos et al., 2005). Despite the fact that mortality on Spanish roads has decreased in recent years, the number of fatalities in traffic accidents involving two-wheeled vehicles (the term motorcycle is used to encompass all powered two-wheeled vehicles) has not fallen. In 2006 there were 467 deaths, while in 2007 the number rose to 528 (Directorate General of Traffic, 2008) and in 2008 the number of deaths fell to 390 (Directorate General of Traffic, 2009). However, the proportion of motorcycle fatalities is not evenly distributed among the different age groups, with the 15-to-24 year-old age group accounting for 34.2% of all motorcycle-related fatalities in Spain (Bos et al., 2005), and a substantial number of serious injuries. Traumatic brain injuries and facial trauma are the most frequent injuries suffered by victims of motorcycle accidents, and represent 50% of all deaths from traumatic injuries (Moore, Mattox, & Feliciano, 2004). As is the case with victims of traffic accidents in general (Twiskt, 2007), males are over-represented in the statistics. In 2006, 98% of the motorcycling deaths on Spanish roads in the 15–20 year age group were male (Directorate General of Traffic, 2007). Furthermore, in the first half of 2008 79.3% of those killed on Catalan roads (Catalonia, Spain) were also male (119 victims), with 20.6% being female (31 victims) (Catalan Traffic Service, 2008).
Since 1982, adolescents in Spain have been able to obtain a licence that authorises them to drive a motorcycle (a two-wheeled vehicle whose engine capacity does not exceed 50 cc) at 14 years of age. However, in recent years there has been much debate about whether to increase the age at which young people can drive motorcycles. Two arguments seem to justify an increase in the age for obtaining a motorcycle licence: the high accident rate for these types of vehicles recorded in 2004 and the adaptation of Spanish regulations to the European Directive. However, motoring associations and the automotive industry in general have criticised this proposed increase in age, which they consider unwarranted according to the accident statistics (Pàmies, 2005). Other research, however, highlights the increase in the accident rate involving motorcycles following the modification of the law in 1982, which allowed motorcycles to be ridden by 14 year olds (16 years old before this law) (Villalbí & Pérez, 2006). After years of debate, a law was recently passed that raises the minimum age for driving motorcycles to 15, although this law will not take effect until 2010. Furthermore, from this date motorcycle drivers will not be able to carry passengers until they are aged 18 (BOE, 2008). From a preventative point of view, is this legislative change warranted? Perhaps not, as previous research has shown that among adolescent motorcycle drivers, age is neither associated with a higher accident rate nor with greater helmet-use by motorcycle drivers or passengers (Plieggi, Bianco, Nobile, & Angelillo, 2006).
The results of numerous studies show the effectiveness of helmets in avoiding or reducing the severity of injuries in the advent of a motorcycle accident (Hundley et al., 2004, Keng, 2005, La Torre, 2003, León and Hernández, 2004 and Liu et al., 2004). Despite the proven effectiveness of helmets in avoiding or reducing the severity of brain injuries and the legislation requiring their use by both drivers and passengers of motorcycles in Spain since 1992, research has found 29% of those killed in motorcycle accidents in 2007 were not wearing a helmet at the time of the accident (Spanish Interior Ministry, 2007).
Previous research has identified a number of variables which are related to adopting preventive behaviours when driving, including; social influence (Bianco et al., 2005 and State of Hawaii Department of Transportation, 2004; Canada Safety Council, 2002), belief in the effectiveness of the behaviour (Gras, Cunill, Sullman, Planes, & Font-Mayolas, 2007) and the immediate consequences of its use (Block, 2001, Chliaoutakis et al., 2000, Cunill et al., 2004 and Cunill et al., 2005).
These variables are included in the social cognitive theory of Bandura and Walters (1963), which has been used as a predictive model of risk and prevention behaviours among vehicle drivers. According to the social cognitive theory, much of social learning results from observations of real actions carried out by others as well as the consequences involved. Bandura (1986) stresses that, in acquiring a skill, the model constitutes a learning rule. In accordance with this model, social approval of behaviour may change risky behaviour, especially among young people and adolescents. helmet-use by adolescents, when travelling by motorcycle, is closely related to the beliefs of friends and relatives regarding the use of this safety measure (Bianco et al., 2005). Similar results have also been found in the Spanish population in relation to other preventive behaviours, such as seat belt use (Cunill et al., 2004 and Gras et al., 2007). Bandura’s (1990) model also considers the expectation of a positive consequence of the behaviour as another variable that predicts it being adopted. Therefore, the belief that using a helmet is an effective behaviour for reducing injuries or avoiding being killed in a motorcycle accident should be a predictor variable of the use of this safety measure (Fuentes, 2005; Gras et al., 2007).
