Many people make purchases impulsively and buy things that they do not need. Such impulse buying behavior is typically triggered by an environmental cue like an attractive shopping display or a desired item being on sale. Although, shoppers who buy on an impulse may regret their actions after some reflection, in most cases, the impulse buying behavior occurs infrequently and does not lead to serious financial or social problems (Faber, 2010). By contrast, individuals who shop compulsively engage in repetitive and extreme forms of buying behavior, often in an attempt at dealing with some internal stimulus like high levels of stress and anxiety or low self-esteem (DeSarbo & Edwards, 1996). Consequently, they typically report an irresistible impulse to buy, exhibit a loss of control over their buying behavior, and persist in buying behavior despite adverse consequences (Dittmar, 2004). Such compulsive buying results in severe psychological and financial problems, including exacerbated negative emotions, strained interpersonal relationships, and financial debt (Miltenberger et al., 2003). Compulsive buying is estimated to occur in 2% to 16% of the general population (Dittmar, 2004) and is increasingly recognized as a serious clinical problem requiring psychological and psychiatric treatment (Black, Repertinger, Gaffney, & Gabel, 1998).
1.1. Compulsive buying and materialism
Faber (1992) suggested that individuals engaged in compulsive buying to deal with marked feelings of inadequacy and low self-esteem. Consistent with this theory, Faber and Christenson (1996) found that compared with normal consumers, compulsive buyers were more emotional and in particular, more likely to experience negative moods like boredom, sadness, and anxiety prior to a decision to shop. Furthermore, compulsive buyers were also more likely than normal consumers to experience improvements to negative mood while shopping. Expanding on Faber’s conceptualization of the disorder, Dittmar (2004) proposed a two-factor model to explain why compulsive buyers specifically engaged in shopping to manage low self-esteem and negative moods, as opposed to other forms of addictive behaviors. She suggested that compulsive buyers tend to subscribe to materialistic values such that their identity and self-esteem are dependent upon the amount and type of material possessions in their life. As a result, materialistic individuals see the acquisition of material goods as the primary way of attaining success, happiness, and a sense of identity (Richins, 1994 and Richins, 2004). Dittmar suggested that materialistic individuals who have low self-esteem and see themselves as not meeting up to their ideal identity would consequently be more likely to engage in compulsive buying.
Consistent with Dittmar’s theory, several studies have found a relationship between materialism and compulsive buying (e.g., Dean et al., 2007, Goldberg et al., 2003 and Hanley and Wilhelm, 1992). For example, Mowen and Spears (1999) found that materialism accounted for 28% of the variance in compulsive buying levels within a university population. Likewise, Dittmar (2005) found that compulsive buyers had significantly higher levels of materialistic value endorsement than residentially matched controls. She also found that materialistic value endorsement was more predictive of compulsive buying inclinations than age and gender. To further support her argument, she found that a sample comprising of consumer research panelists, who have consistently higher ratings of materialism than the general population, reported significantly higher levels of compulsive buying than a residentially matched control group.
The relationship between materialism and compulsive buying was further supported by findings that showed more frequent pro-spending attitudes among individuals with high materialistic values compared to individuals low on materialism (e.g., Richins, 1994, Rindfleisch et al., 1997, Roberts, 2000 and Watson, 2003; Yurchisin & Johnson, 2004). Also consistent with Dittmar’s research, Kyrios, Frost, and Steketee (2004) found strong associations between compulsive buying and cognitions that placed a high value on the acquisition of objects. In particular, compulsive buyers had strong emotional attachments to objects and obtained relief from negative emotions through the acquisition of objects.
1.2. Interaction between materialism and money conservation
Although the relationship between materialism and compulsive buying is well established, it is obvious that not all individuals with materialistic values develop problems with compulsive buying. To explain such variations, Tatzel (2002) proposed a taxonomy of “money worlds” and suggested that attitudes towards money conservation interacted with materialism to influence how much individuals spent on material items. Of particular interest in our examination of compulsive buying are two categories of consumers with high levels of materialism: the big spender and the value seeker. Tatzel suggested that individuals who are materialistic and “loose with money” (i.e., easy-going and relaxed about spending money) can be categorized as big spenders. These individuals spend money without much thought about the price of items. Instead, the primary aim of the big spender is to acquire and keep items as a means of attaining happiness, power, and prestige. In this attempt to grasp the elusive goal of happiness through the acquisition of material possessions, they are more prone to compulsive buying problems and high levels of debt. On the other hand, Tatzel suggested that individuals who are materialistic but “tight with money” (i.e., frugal and unwilling to spend money) could be categorized as value seekers. These individuals are less prone to compulsive buying. While they also place a high value on material possessions, they are more conscious of the importance of getting the best value for their money and therefore are willing to delay gratification until they can obtain the best bargain.
In support of Tatzel’s theory, Troisi, Christopher, and Marek (2006) found that materialism and low money conservation predicted impulsive buying. They also found a significant interaction between materialism and money conservation on attitudes toward debt; value seekers (i.e., high materialism, high money conservation) were more likely to have negative attitudes toward debt. However, they failed to find any interaction between materialism and money conservation on impulse buying. There was therefore no support for the idea that big spenders (i.e., high materialism and low money conservation) were more prone to impulse buying. Limitations of the study included low reliability of the scales used in the study and a lack of variability in their sample which comprised mainly of college students. As suggested by Troisi and colleagues, materialism and money conservation may simply have an additive effect on impulse buying. Further research of the model with better measures might yield different results. Another limitation with the study by Troisi and colleagues is the use of impulse buying as an outcome measure. There might only be small differences in impulse buying across the different “money worlds” because impulse buying is part of normal buying behavior (Rook & Fisher, 1995) and can occur for items regardless of their monetary value. For example, big spenders might impulsively purchase a branded item in an upmarket boutique store while value seekers might impulsively purchase a similar item at a charity shop or at a sale. Perhaps a measure of compulsive buying might have yielded different results. Unfortunately, there is a scarcity of research into the relationship between compulsive buying, materialism, money conservation, and related constructs like financial management practices and financial attitudes.
1.3. Financial attitudes and financial management practices
Although compulsive buyers primarily aim to deal with self-discrepancy and negative mood through their excessive spending (Miltenberger et al., 2003), these compulsive buying episodes often lead to or exacerbate financial problems, which in turn paradoxically contribute to stress and negative mood (Roberts, 1998). It is not surprising that many compulsive buyers report a tendency to overspend, experience some form of debt, and prefer using credit cards over other payment methods (Lo and Harvey, 2011, Ridgeway et al., 2006, Roberts, 2000 and Roberts and Jones, 2001). Indeed, successive episodes of compulsive buying have been found to contribute to financial problems ranging from moderate credit card debt to bankruptcy (Black, 2007 and Roberts and Pirog, 2004). It is therefore likely that the presence or absence of pre-existing financial management practices might have an impact on whether or not compulsive buying becomes a clinical problem.
Financial management practices help individuals or households keep track of their income and expenditure in order to improve their financial status. These practices involve behaviors such as budgeting, making payments on time, saving money, managing one’s credit card debt, and having an idea of one’s net worth (Davis & Weber, 1990; Parrotta & Johnson, 1998). Financial management practices are recommended by financial counselors as a way of putting a halt to excessive spending, and it is likely that compulsive buyers are not aware of or do not engage in these practices. Likewise, individuals who are loose with money would also not engage in financial management practices (Tatzel, 2002). Big spenders are therefore expected to be high on materialism but have low engagement in financial management practices while value seekers are expected to be high on materialism and have greater use of financial management practices. It also follows that because financial management practices are an indicator of money conservation, such practices might moderate the relationship between materialism and compulsive buying (Tatzel, 2002).
It has therefore been suggested by several researchers that financial counseling for compulsive buyers to improve their financial management practices could effectively disrupt the cycle of compulsive buying and consequential debt (Black, 2001, Lown and Cook, 1990 and Roberts, 1998). Not surprisingly, financial management practices such as cash management and eliminating credit card use feature in Burgard and Mitchell’s (2000) cognitive-behavioral group program for compulsive buying. In a study of the treatment’s efficacy, Mitchell, Burgard, Faber, Crosby, and de Zwann (2006) found that after 10 weeks of treatment, compulsive buyers had significant reductions in compulsive buying episodes compared with the wait-list control group. These improvements were maintained at the 6-month follow-up. As there were many components to the treatment, it is impossible to conclude whether financial management practices played a specific and significant role in the treatment outcome. Nevertheless, the demonstration of treatment efficacy provides some preliminary evidence that improving financial management practices could help individuals with compulsive buying.
In addition to this indirect evidence from treatment outcome studies, there is also some evidence to show that financial management practices have an impact on financial problems in the general population. For example, Hayhoe, Leach, Turner, Bruin, and Lawrence (2000) examined financial practices in 480 university students and found that the skill of tracking and prioritizing how money should be spent was linked to the presence and the depth of financial stressors. In addition, they found that a lack of financial management practices increased behaviors that led to debt, such as paying for items with insufficient funds. Hayhoe and colleagues also reported that female students who were already in debt often regretted making certain purchases and had trouble saving money.
In addition to financial management practices, financial attitudes may also influence compulsive buying. These attitudes reflect an individual’s values regarding various aspects of saving money (Lim and Teo, 1997 and Parrotta and Johnson, 1998). Whilst positive or negative attitudes towards consistently planning, achieving, and maintaining one’s goals to saving money do not necessarily constitute the actual behavior, Parrotta and Johnson found that people are more likely to engage in sound financial management practices if they have a positive outlook towards saving money. This may mean that individuals will be less likely to buy superfluous items impulsively if they are taught to take on positive financial attitudes and consistently engage in pro-saving behaviors. It is not surprising that several studies have shown a relationship between financial attitudes and financial hardship (e.g., Hayhoe and Wilhelm, 1998 and Lim et al., 2003). Although it is unlikely that financial attitudes would guarantee immunity from compulsive buying, Tatzel’s (2002) model suggests that materialistic individuals who have negative financial attitudes would have a tendency towards compulsive buying. That is, similar to financial management practices, financial attitudes should also moderate the relationship between materialism and compulsive buying.
1.4. Research aims and hypotheses
Although the literature on compulsive buying indicates that many compulsive buyers have significant financial problems and that dealing with these problems has an impact on the disorder, the relationship between compulsive buying, financial attitudes, and financial management practices have not been extensively explored (Ridgeway et al., 2006, Roberts, 2000 and Roberts and Jones, 2001). While there is a strong relationship between materialism and compulsive buying, researchers have not examined the impact of financial attitudes and financial management practices on this relationship. As suggested by Tatzel (2002), it is possible that financial attitudes and financial management practices have a significant influence on the strength of the relationship between materialistic value endorsement and compulsive buying.
The aim of this study is to investigate the relationship between financial management practices, financial attitudes, and materialism, and their relative influence on compulsive buying. We hypothesize that (1) compulsive buying will be positively correlated with materialism, (2) compulsive buying will be negatively correlated with financial attitudes and financial management practices, (3) materialism, financial attitudes, and financial management practices will predict compulsive buying, with financial attitudes and financial management practices remaining significant predictors even after controlling for materialism, and (4) financial attitudes and financial management practices will moderate the relationship between materialism and compulsive buying.
The results of the present study supported most of the hypotheses. As expected, there was a moderate positive correlation between compulsive buying and materialism. There were also moderate negative correlations between compulsive buying and both financial attitudes and financial management practices. Materialism, financial attitudes, and financial management practices significantly predicted compulsive buying, and these factors accounted for 39% of the variance. However, after controlling for materialism, only financial management practices contributed significantly to the regression model. Finally, our results showed that financial management practices, but not financial attitudes, moderated the relationship between materialism and compulsive buying. In examining the interaction, we found that highly materialistic individuals were more prone to compulsive buying if they engaged in poor financial management practices. On the other hand, highly materialistic individuals with good financial management practices were less likely to report compulsive buying problems. In other words, our results showed that financial management practices were a protective buffer to the impact of materialism on compulsive buying. The present study is the first to identify a main effect of financial management practices on compulsive buying, and the moderating effect of financial management practices on the relationship between materialism and compulsive buying.
4.1. Implications of study
Our findings are consistent with previous studies that have found a relationship between compulsive buying and materialism (Dittmar, 2005, Roberts, 2000 and Watson, 2003). They lend further support for Dittmar’s (2005) two-factor model, which highlights the role of materialism as a predisposing factor. The study was also consistent with Tatzel’s (2002) taxonomy of “money worlds”. Results showed that there was no relationship between materialism and either financial attitudes or financial management practices. That is, individuals who are materialistic can vary in their attitudes and ability to conserve money. In particular, our study supports Tatzel’s characterization of the big spender as an individual who is more prone to compulsive buying because of high levels of materialism and low money conservation. The participants in our study who were materialistic but had poor financial management practices were indeed more likely to be compulsive buyers as opposed to materialistic participants with good financial management practices.
Dittmar had suggested that critical reflection on materialistic values and the role of the media in encouraging such values in at-risk populations might help prevent further increases in the rates of compulsive buying. However, Dittmar also noted that such an intervention is difficult because it runs counter to the prevailing culture that values consumerism and consumption. We therefore suggest that in addition to countering materialistic values, financial education and counseling directed at improving financial management practices might also have a considerable impact on preventing compulsive buying. Specifically, the teaching of basic personal financial management practices such as cash and credit management, budgeting, and saving could perhaps form practical units in high school curriculums and might assist in the prevention of compulsive buying. Several studies have shown that many young people have low levels of personal financial literacy and can benefit from financial literacy training (Consumer and Literacy Taskforce, 2004 and Financial Services Authority, 2006a). These studies provide support for the inclusion of financial literacy programs into the school curriculum (Financial Services Authority, 2006b and Russell et al., 2006) and one would expect such programs to also have an impact on compulsive buying. However, it should be noted that financial literacy may not necessarily translate into behavior change and long term evaluation of such programs on behavioral outcomes are required.
With regards to the treatment of compulsive buying, our study supports the inclusion of financial management components in current psychosocial interventions. However, because of the limited impact of financial attitudes, we suggest that simply increasing positive attitudes to financial behaviors, like saving money, is unlikely to have a significant impact on compulsive buying, unless there is an actual engagement in that practice. Consequently, one might need to add additional practical components for financial management practices in clinical interventions so that patients are not only aware of but also able to consistently use these new skills. In addition, regular monitoring of financial management practices and long term follow-up sessions might encourage the actual ongoing practice of these skills.
4.2. Limitations of study and further research
The present study is cross-sectional; it is therefore possible that the impact of financial management practices on compulsive buying is not causal. Individuals who are unable to engage in financial management practices might also have compulsive buying problems because of a third variable. For example, personality features like low levels of conscientiousness and high levels of impulsivity might result in both poor financial management practices and compulsive buying. Several researchers have already found an association between such personality factors and compulsive buying (e.g., DeSarbo and Edwards, 1996 and Mowen and Spears, 1999). Future research with the inclusion of these personality factors would help clarify their impact on financial management practices and materialism.
Our study is also limited by its use of a non-clinical and predominately university sample. Given that university students differ from the general population in several ways (e.g., income, age, experiences with money, attitudes to spending, and financial management practices), caution should be observed in generalizing the findings to other members or groups of the population, and to a clinical population. However, Dittmar (2005) reported that younger people are particularly vulnerable to compulsive buying and consistent with this, there was a considerable proportion of individuals in our sample (8.5%) who could be classified as compulsive buyers based on Faber and O’Guinn’s cutoff score for the CBS. It is therefore likely that we would find a similar relationship between financial management practices and compulsive buying in a clinical sample.
In our study, we measured compulsive buying as a unitary construct. However, several researchers have noted that compulsive buyers are not a homogenous group (Dittmar, 2004). In a cluster analysis of compulsive buyers, DeSarbo and Edwards (1996) reported two distinct groups: an internal and an external compulsive buying group. The internal compulsive buying group had more severe compulsive buying problems. These individuals were more impulsive and dependent, had lower self-esteem, and higher levels of anxiety. By contrast, individuals in the external compulsive buying group were more materialistic, socially isolated, avoidant, and were in greater denial about their problems. As the focus of the current study was on materialism, the results are more relevant to the external compulsive buying group. Recently, Faber (2010) suggested that this group of compulsive buyers should be categorized as excessive buyers rather than compulsive buyers and argued that individuals who suffered from compulsive buying disorder are not necessarily materialistic. The current study therefore applies to compulsive buyers who may not fulfill a clinical diagnosis of an impulse-control disorder, but would nonetheless suffer serious financial and interpersonal problems as a result of their buying behavior.
As already noted, it is also possible that personality variables like impulsivity might explain the relationship between financial management practices and compulsive buying. Consequently, addressing financial management practices in such a clinical population might not be effective in a severely impaired population. Recently, Mueller et al. (2010) suggested that individuals with an “undercontrolled” personality would have more severe compulsive buying problems and would be treatment-resistant. In their study of 68 treatment-seeking compulsive buyers, they indeed found such a cluster of individuals who, similar with DeSarbo and Edward’s group of internal compulsive buyers, were more anxious, interpersonally sensitive, and impulsive. These individuals had more severe compulsive buying problems and were less responsive to cognitive-behavioral therapy. It is possible that such individuals might also have difficulties in engaging and persisting in good financial management practices. Whether improvements in financial management practices in such a group would lead to changes in compulsive buying severity is as yet unknown. It is possible that impulsivity does not preclude successful financial management intervention if there are strategies to manage such personality characteristics; further research on the impact of financial management practices in a clinical group of compulsive buyers is therefore crucial.
